Monthly Record of Current Events, April 5.

OUR Record closes with the 5th of April, just one month after the accession of the new Administration. As yet, no definite indication has been given of the policy of the Government. In the mean while the Confederate States have proceeded with great energy. They have organized a large military force, have taken possession of nearly all the forts within their limits, provided for the collection of duties on all goods imported from the United States, and authorized a loan of $15,000,000, to be secured by an export duty upon cotton. The


appreaches to the harbor of Charleston, have been fortified in such a manner as to render the reinforcement of Fort Sumter difficult, if not impossible, and threaten an immediate assault upon that fortress unless the garrison, whose supplies are known to be nearly exhausted, are withdrawn. Fort Pickens, near Pensacola, Florida, the only remaining fort of importance within the Confederate States, is also threatened with an attack.

The Senate remained in Executive Session until the 28th of March. The Cabinet of the President is as follows:

Secretary of State WILLIAM H. SEWARB of N. Y.
Secretary of the Treasury SALMON P. CHASE of Ohio.
Secretary of War SIMON CAMERON of Penn.
Secretary of the Navy GIDEON WELLES of Conn.
Postmaster-General MONTGOMERY BLAIR of Maryl'd.
Attorney-General EDWARD BATES of Missouri.
Secretary of the Interior CALEB B. SMITH of Indiana.

The following are the principal diplomatic appointments to Europe:

France WM. L. DAYTON of New Jersey
England CHARLES F. ADAMS of Massachusetts
Russia CASSIUS M. CLAY of Kentucky
Austria ANSON BUKLINGAME of Massachusetts
Prussia N. P. JUDD of Illinois
Spain CARL SCHURZ of Wisconsin
Sardinia GEO. P. MARSH of Vermont
Sweden JACOB T. HALDERMAN of Pennsylvania
Denmark BRADFORD R. WOOD of New York
Holland JAMES S. PIKE of Maine
Belgium HENRY S. SANFORD of Connecticut
Portugal JAMES E. HENRY of Pennsylvania
Papal States RUFUS KING of Wisconsin

The following Table presents the population of the United States according to the Census of 1850 and that of 1860, together with the number of representatives to which each State will be entitled in the next Congress, and the losses and gains as compared with the present Congress:

Free. Slave. Total. Free. Slave. Total. Reps. Loss. Gain.
Alabama* 428,779 342,844 771,623 529,164 435,132 964,296 6 1
Arkansas 162,797 47,100 209,897 324,323 111,104 435,427 3 1
California 92,597 92,597 380,015 380,015 3 l
Connecticut 370,792 370,792 460,151 460,151 4
Delaware 89,242 2,290 91,532 110,420 1,798 112,218 1
Florida* 48,135 39,310 87,445 78,686 61,753 140,439 1
Georgia* 524,503 381,682 906,185 595,097 462,230 1,057,327 7 1
Illinois 851,470 851,470 1,711,753 1,711,753 13 4
Indiana 988,416 988,416 1,350,479 1,350,479 11
Iowa 192,214 192,214 674,948 674,948 5 3
Kansas 107,110 107,110 1
Kentucky 771,424 210,981 982,405 930,223 225,490 1,155,713 8 2
Louisiana* 272,953 244,809 517,762 376,913 332,520 709,433 5 1
Maine 583,169 583,169 628,276 628,276 5 1
Maryland 492,666 90,368 583,034 599,846 87,188 687,034 5 1
Massachusetts 994,514 994,514 1,231,065 1,231,065 10 1
Mississippi* 296,648 309,878 606,526 354,699 436,696 791,395 5
Missouri 594,622 87,422 682,044 1,058,352 114,965 1,173,317 9 2
Michigan 397,654 897,654 749,112 749,112 6 2
Minnesota 6,077 6,077 162,022 162,022 1 1
New Hampshire 317,976 317,976 326,072 326,072 3
New Jersey 489,319 236 489,555 672,031 672,031 5
New York 3,097,394 3,097,394 3,887,542 3,887,542 31 2
North Carolina 580,491 288,548 869,039 601,586 331,081 992,667 7 1
Ohio 1,980,329 1,980, 329 2,339,599 2,339,599 18 3
Oregon 13,294 13,294 52,464 52,464 1
Pennsylvania 2,311,786 2,311,786 2,906,370 2,906,370 23 2
Rhode Island 147,545 147,545 174,621 174,621 1 1
South Carolina* 283,523 384,984 668,597 301,271 402,541 703,812 4 2
Tennessee 763,258 239,459 1,002,717 834,063 275,784 1,109,847 8 2
Texas* 154,431 58,161 212,592 420,651 180,388 601,039 4 3
Vermont 314,120 314,120 315,116 315,116 2 1
Virginia 949,133 472,528 1,421,661 1,105,196 496,887 1,596,083 11 2
Wisconsin 305,391 305,391 775,873 775,873 6 3
POP. OF STATES 19,866,662 3,200,600 23,067,262 27,185,109 3,949,557 31,134,666 233 24 19
TERRITORIES.             The number of Representatives is fixed at 233, apportioned as follows: To the free population three-fifths of the number of slaves is added; gives the ratio of population required for a Representative. The representative population of each State, divided by this ratio, gives the number of Representatives below the number of 233. This is obviated by giving an additional member to the States having the largest fractions, until the number of 233 is reached.
Colorado 34,197 34,197
Dakota 4,889 4,839
Nebraska 28,832 10 28,842
Neveda 6,857 6,857
New Mexico 61,547 61,547 93,517 24 93,541
Utah 11,354 26 11,380 40,266 29 40,295
Washington 11,578 11,578
Dist. of Col. 48,000 3,687 51,687 71,895 3,181 75,076
TOTAL POP. 19,987,563 3,204,313 23,191,876 27,477,090 3,952,801 31,429,891
* Deduct the population of the seven "Confederate States," 1860 2,656,481 2,311,260 4,967,741
Population of the other States, according to the Census of 1860 24,820,609 1,641,541 26,462,150

During the month of March elections have been held as follows: In New Hampshire the Republicans elected their State officers and members of Congress. — In Connecticut they elected their State officers, but lose two out of four members of Congress. — In Rhode Island the Opposition elected State officers, and gained the two members of Congress.

In Texas the ordinance of secession was adopted by the people; the vote was light, but the majority was large. The Convention then pronounced that the State had joined the Southern Confederacy, and appointed delegates to the Montgomery Congress. It also passed an ordinance requiring all State officers to take the oath of allegiance to support the new Government, under penalty of removal from office, appointing a day for the Governor and other principal officers to appear for that purpose before the Convention. Governor Houston refused to obey this order. On the 16th of March he issued an address to tho people of Texas, protesting against the entire action of the Convention, charging it with having usurped powers not confided to it by the


people. He says, however, that "I love Texas too well to bring civil strife and bloodshed upon her. To avert this calamity I shall make no endeavor to maintain my authority as Chief Executive of this State except by the peaceful exercise of my functions. When I can no longer do this, I shall calmly withdraw from the scene, leaving the government in the hands of those who have usurped its authority; but still claiming that I am its Chief Executive. I expect the consequences of my refusal to take this oath. My office will be declared vacated. If those who ostracize me will be but as true to the interests of Texas as I have endeavored to be, my prayers will attend them." The Legislature passed a resolution approving of act of the Convention, deposing the Governor in case of his refusal to take the oath, and appointing Lieutenant-Governor Clark in his place. — The withdrawal of the United States troops from Texas has emboldened the Indians on the frontiers, and they have perpetrated terrible outrages upon the white settlers.

In Arkansas the State Convention met on the 13th of March. An ordinance for secession was drawn up, which, after elaborate discussion, was rejected, on the 18th, by a vote of 39 to 35. An ordinance was then passed submitting the question to the people, at an election to be held on the 3d of August. The ballots are to be for "co-operation" and "secession." If a majority vote for "secession," it is to be regarded as instructing the Convention to pass an act for immediate secession; if a majority vote for "co-operation," the Convention is to take such measures as may be deemed proper, in conjunction with the Border States, to secure a permanent adjustment of the sectional difficulty. Another ordinance provides for sending five delegates to the Conference of the Border States, to be held at Frankfort, Kentucky, on the 27th of May. The Convention stands adjourned to the 17th of August.

In Missouri the State Convention adjourned on the 21st of March, to reassemble on the third Monday in December. A series of resolutions was adopted, declaring that at present there is no adequate cause to impel Missouri to dissolve her connection with the Federal Government; that she will labor for such an adjustment of the existing troubles as will secure peace, rights, and equality to all the States; that the Crittenden proposition affords a basis of adjustment which will remove the causes of difference forever from the arena of national politics. The withdrawal of the Federal troops from those forts in the seceding States where there is danger of a collision is recommended. Delegates were appointed to the Border Convention; and the General Assembly is urged to take steps for calling a Convention to propose amendments to tho Constitution of the United States. — The Assembly, however, on the 27th, by a vote of 62 to 42, passed a resolution that it was "inexpedient to take any steps for a National Convention to propose any amendments to the Constitution, as recommended by the State Convention."

In Virginia the State Convention has been for some weeks in session. Its proceedings have taken a wide range, including the internal affairs of the State as well as those of the nation. A series of resolutions, drawn up by the majority of a committee, was prepared. Some of them have been passed, among which is the following, which is considered to involve the test question:

"That, deeply deploring the present distracted condition of the country, lamenting the wrongs that have impelled some of the States to dissolve their connection with the Federal Government, but sensible of the blessings of the Union, impressed with its importance to the peace, prosperity, and progress of the people, we earnestly desire that an adjustment be reached by which the Union may be re-established in its integrity, and peace, prosperity, and fraternal feelings be restored throughout the land."

A permanent Constitution for the "Confederate States" was unanimously adopted by the Congress at Montgomery, on the 11th of March. In most of its provisions it conforms to the Constitution of the United States; four-fifths of the clauses being adopted verbally from that instrument, except that the words "Confederate States" are substituted for "United States" or "Union" in all cases. To some clauses slight additions are made, while others present important variations. The following presents a complete view of the changes:

The preamble commences: "We the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its sovereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent Federal Government," etc.; thus recognizing the doctrine of State sovereignty.

No "person of foreign birth, not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote."

Representatives and Senators must be citizens of the Confederate States; but there is no limitation of the time for which they shall have been citizens.

Any "Federal officer resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a voteof two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature thereof."

Senators must be chosen by the Legislatures of each State "at the regular session next immediately preceding the commencement of the term of service."

"No person holding any office under the Confederate States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. But Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officer in each of the Executive departments a scat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his department."

"The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropriations disapproved; and shall return a copy of such appropriations, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated; and the same proceedings shall then be had as in case of other bills disapproved by the President."

"No bounties shall be granted from the treasury; nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry; and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the Confederate States."

Congress has no power to "appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce, except for the purpose of furnishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors, and the removing of obstructions in river navigation, in all which cases such duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof."

"No law of Congress shall discharge any debt contracted before the passage of the same."

"The expenses of the Post-office Department, after the first day of March in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-three, shall be paid out of its own revenues."

"The importation of negroes of the African race, from any foreign country, other than the slaveholding States or Territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same."

"Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or Territory not belonging to, this Confederacy."

"No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves shall be passed."

"No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses."

"Congress shall appropriate no money from the treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by Yeas and Nays, unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the Heads of Department, and submitted to Congress by the President: or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies; or for the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunal for


the investigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress to establish."

"All bills appropriating money shall specify, in Federal currency, the exact amount of each appropriation, and the purposes for which it is made; and Congress shall grant no extra compensation to any public contractor, officer, agent, or servant, after such contract shall have been made or such service rendered."

"Every law, or resolution having the force of law, shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title."

"No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the Confederate States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of Congress."

"No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, except on sea-going vessels, for the improvement of its rivers and harbors navigated by the said vessels; but such duties shall not conflict with any treaties of the Confederate States with foreign nations; and any surplus of revenue thus derived shall, after making such improvement, be paid into the common treasury; nor shall any State keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. Bat when any river divides or flows through two or more States, they may enter into compacts with each other to improve the navigation, thereof."

"No person except a natural-born citizen of the Confederate States, or a citizen thereof at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, or a citizen thereof born in the United States prior to the 20th of December, 1860, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained the age of 35 years, and been 14 years a resident within the limits of the Confederate States, as they may exist at the time of his election."

The President and Vice-President "shall hold their offices for the term of six years; but the President shall not be re-eligible."

"The principal officer in each of the Executive Departments and all persons connected with the diplomatic service may be removed from office at the pleasure of the President. All other civil officers of the executive Department may be removed at any time by the President, or other appointing power, when their services are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, misconduct, or neglect of duty; and when so removal, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, together with the reasons therefor."

"No person rejected by the Senate shall be reappointed to the same office during their ensuing recess."

"The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States, and shall have the right of transit and sojournin any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property; and the right of property in said slaves shall not be thereby impaired."

"No slave or other person held to service or labor in any State or Territory of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or lawfully carried into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such slave belongs, or to whom such service or labor may be due."

"Other States may be admitted into this Confederacy by a vote of two-thirds of the whole House of Representatives, and two-thirds of the Senate, the Senate voting by States."

"The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations concerning the property of the Confederate States, including the lands thereof.

"The Confederate States may acquire new territory; and Congress shall have power to legislate and provide governments for the inhabitants of all territory belonging to the Confederate States, lying without the limits of ths several States; and may permit them, at such times, and in such manner as it may by law provide, to form States to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory the institution of Negro Slavery, as it now exists in the Confederate States, shall be recognized and protected by Congress, and by the territorial government; and the inhabitants of the several Coufederate States and Territories shall have the right to take to such territory any slaves, lawfully held by them in any of the States or Territories of the Confederate States."

"Upon the demand of any three States, legally assembled is their several Conventions, the Congress shall summon a Convention of all the States, to take into consideration such amendments to the Constitution as the said States shall concur in suggesting at the time when the said demand is made; and should any of the proposed amendments to the Constitution be agreed on by the said Convention — voting by States — and the same be ratified by the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, or by Conventions in two-thirds thereof — as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the General Convention — they shall thenceforward form a part of the Constitution. But no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal representation in the Senate."

"The government established by this Constitution is the successor of the Provisional Government of the Confederate States of America, and all the laws passed by the latter shall continue in force until the same shall be repealed or modified; and all the officers appointed by the same shall remain in office until their successors are appointed and qualified, or the offices abolished."

"All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the Confederate States under this Constitution as under the Provisional Government."

In France the Senate presented an address in reply to the Emperor's speech, laudatory of the Imperial policy and government. France, says the address loves neither extreme liberty nor extreme authority; she stands confidently on the Constitution of 1852, founded on national suffrage, of which the Emperor is the author and firmest support. At home there is order and security; the funds are not disturbed by the surrender of ninety millions in order to lighten the duties on articles of ordinary consumption; there is no need of resorting to fresh imposts or to public credit; capital abounds, and needs only to be put in circulation; public works are carried on actively. The foreign policy of the Government is fully indorsed. the references to Italian affairs are significant: "Two interests which the Emperor wished to reconcile have clashed with each other. The liberty of Italy is in conflict with the Court of Rome. Your Majesty has done every thing to arrest this conflict, and all equitable ways have been opened. You have only hesitated before the employment of force. Italy should not agitate Europe by the exercise of her liberty, after having so long moved it by her misfortunes; she should remember that the Catholic world has intrusted to her the Head of the Church, the highest representative of moral force. But our most steadfast hope is in your tutelary hand, and in your filial affection for the holy cause, which your Majesty will not confound with the cause of the intrigues which assume its guise." A warm debate took place upon this address. The Marquis de la Rochejacquelein and others spoke in favor of the temporal power of the Pope, and inveighed against England and Sardinia. M. Pietri said that the temporal power of the Pope was lost, and that they must confine themselves to the preservation of the spiritual power. Prince Napoleon defended the English alliance, and justified the Italian policy of Piedmont. The alliance with England, he said, was "not with some particular ministers, but with the great, and liberal English people. It is an alliance with which we can defend the. great principles of liberty and progress." The unity of Italy was favorable to France, of whom she was the natural ally; but he would deplore any untimely attack upon Venice. He foresaw that Italy, united, would soon demand Rome as her capital. The difficulty was to insure the independence of the Pope, who can not become subject to another sovereign; but by securing to the Pope the right side of the city of Rome, with a Papal garrison and a Papal budget, guaranteed by the Powers, his independence would be maintained. He was opposed to the union of the temporal and spiritual powers. — M. Billault, one of the Ministers, said that


the Government did not pledge itself to all the views expressed by Prince Napoleon; it was impossible to saw what course would be taken on a question which every moment might change; but the Emperor would do all in his power to reconcile Italian liberty with the independence of the Pope; but their forefathers, though sincere Catholics, never sacrificed the cause of the State to the temporal power of the Papacy. He declined to reply to the question whether the French troops would leave Rome. The Government refused to accept an amendment declaring that the sword of France would continue to protect the independence of the Pope and maintain his temporal power. The Senate passed the address almost unanimously; it was also passed in the Legislative Body, after a sharp debate, by a great majority. — Some of the Catholic prelates have severely condemned the Emperor's Italian policy, and the Council of State have taken cognizance of the matter. — The Debats contains an article on the Syrian question, supposed to be semi-official, regretting the opposition by England to the French occupation, and intimating that if the troops were withdrawn, fresh massacres would take place, and France would then be compelled to take her own course, untrammeled by any engagements with other Powers.

The King of Naples has taken refuge in Bavaria. The citadel of Messina surrendered to the Sardinians on the 12th of February. Victor Emanuel has formally assumed for himself and his successors the title of King of Italy. In the Italian Chambers the President expressed the hope that Rome was about to be made the capital of Italy, and that the deliverance of Venice was approaching. The Chambers have declared the urgency of discussing the question of asking the Government to use its influence to induce the Emperor Napoleon to withdraw the French troops from Rome. — The Pope delivered an allocution, on the 18th, maintaining that the Papacy had always favored the advance of real civilization, declaring that he would of his own accord have granted concessions, and would have accepted those which have been advised by the Catholic sovereigns, but he could not yield to the counsels and unjust demands of a usurping government, like that of Victor Emanuel.

In Russia the long meditated prospect of the emancipation of the serfs has been carried out by an Imperial decree, dated on the 21st of March. It provides that the proprietors of landed property preserve the right attached to the same. The landed proprietors are, however, to cede to the peasants for their permanent use the dwellings with the ground, which will be allotted to them anew by law, in consideration of the payment of dues. During this stage of things, which will form a transitory period, the peasants are to be designated "tributary peasants." The peasants are permitted by law to purchase their dwellings, and with the consent of the landlords, the land also. The peasants will then become free landed proprietors. This new order of things is to be carried out throughout the empire within two years, and until then the peasants remain in their former state of dependence upon the landlords. — Disturbances, attended with bloodshed, have taken place at Warsaw. The anniversary of the battle of Grochow, fought under the walls of the city on 25th of February, 1830, the first of a series of actions which decided the fate of the Polish insurrection of that year, was celebrated by a public procession. This was charged upon by a squadron of mounted gens d'armes, who broke up the procession, killing eight persons and wounding many more. Great excitement was the result. The funeral of the victims was solemnized on the 2d of March, the whole population of the city appearing as mourners. There was, however, no disturbance. An address from the citizens was transmitted to the Emperor, declaring that the demonstration arose from the universal feeling of the country, and urging the reestablishment of the Polish Constitution, which has been suspended since 1831. The reply of the Emperor was on the whole conciliatory. He ought, he said, to consider the petition as null and void; but he would look upon it as an act of enthusiasm. His whole attention was devoted to the reforms rendered necessary by the interests of the empire and the progress of the age. His Polish subjects should participate in these benefits, but they must not paralyze his action by immoderate demands. He should fulfill all his duties, but would tolerate no serious disturbances.