ills

Pictures and Illustrations.

Colonel James F. Jaquess

Offerings of the People on the Altar of the Country

W. H. Newlin. Chairman of the Committee. Committee on Regimental History.

D. F. Lawler. Committee on Regimental History.

J. W. Sherrick. Chairman of the Committee. Committee on Regimental History.

Marching to Meet the Enemy.

Abraham Lincoln.

Pontoon Bridge, Cincinnati, Ohio.

Shooting of General Newlson by General Davis.

Jack's Difficulty with the Mule.

General Phil. H. Sheridan.

Capitol Building, Nashville.

General A. M'D. M'Cook.

Henry A. Castle.

Supporting Skirmishers.

Orderly Sergeant D. A. Smith, Company C.

General W. S. Rosecrans.

Captain T. D. Kyger.

Planting Flag on Missionary Ridge.

Forty-Two Star Flag.

Sam. B. Garver, Company D.

Maj. Gen. Sherman.

Franklin Battle-Ground.

Battle-Field -- Cotton-Gin -- Franklin, Tennessee.

Captain G. W. Patten.

General George H. Thomas.

Assassination of President Lincoln.

Major Wilson Burroughs.

Lieutenant W. H. Newlin.

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In Memory of all who lost their lives in the service of their country, in the Armies of the union, this work is DEDICATED by the Regimental Reunion Association of Survivors OF THE 73d Illinois Infantry Volunteers, To their comrades and friends, and to the descendants of such to the latest generation.

In war, as in peace, Through death the path to glory lies."

5

Introduction.

AT a meeting of the Regimental Reunion Association of survivors of the 73d Illinois Volunteers, held at Decatur, October 8, 1888, it was decided that a committee, consisting of three members of the Association, be appointed to prepare a history of the regiment. The object in view, at the time, was to have such history prepared, and have it read to the Association at its next meeting. After consideration of the matter by the Association, its President, Captain Charles Tilton, appointed W. H. Newlin, D. F. Lawler, and J. W. Sherrick as the committee to prepare such history. This action, as ratified or aquiesced in by the Association, may be said to be the beginning or foundation of this work. At the same meeting, a committee consisting of W. H. Newlin, E. J. Ingersoll, J. L. Morgan, and G. W. Patten, was appointed to collect evidence and prepare a report, or history, showing the positions held and the part performed by the 73d Illinois, and incidentally by the brigade, in the campaign in Tennessee, in 1864, from Columbia to Nashville.

The work of this committee, as completed and shown in full herein, seemed to strengthen the purpose as well as justify the labor of writing a full and complete history of the regiment from the time of its entry into service until its muster out. The investigation and search made by this committee, also disclosed the existence of more material out of which to make a history of the

6

regiment, than was before thought, or known, to be available for that purpose. The character and reliability of the material, as well as the amount, seemed to warrant the preparation of a history for publication. The facts, the data, and all the circumstances connected in and about the service and record of the regiment, if rightly used, put in proper shape, can be made to possess an attraction for the general reader. This was the thought and impression in the minds of many members of the Regimental Association; and many members, nearly all, favored the publication. It is assumed that every survivor of the regiment will become possessor of one or more copies as soon as he learns the work is complete. Representatives or descendants of those members of the regiment who were killed, or who died during the service or since, will likewise manifest an interest in the work.

Surviving comrades of those regiments that were at some time in the same brigade with the 73d, will, as a rule, and as opportunity offers, become patrons of this effort to depict common trials and dangers. Neither of the classes we have just enumerated will we denominate as the "general reader," or as belonging to that class, though of course, some of them may; but we will consider them our especial friends, and of the number on whom we shall depend. And as furnishing a contribution to history, giving some of the details and minutiae of the contest, we shall surely be able to gain some appreciation at the hands of the general public. Will not the present and the oncoming generation, the youth and middle-aged of to-day and to-morrow, those who are now reaping and enjoying, and those who will reap and enjoy, the benefits and blessings purchased by the services

7

and sacrifices of the soldiery of the war, appreciate and remunerate our labors as here culminated?

We apprehend they will, if the result of our labors shall appear in attractive and entertaining style, and tell a plain and simple story in becoming language. The reader, of whatever class, when once started in tracing our history as an organization, will have curiosity, if not interest enough, to continue to the end of the last chapter.

It has been our desire, and effort as well, to beget and constantly maintain an interest, on the part of the reader, in the narrative from beginning to end.

That portion of this work which deals with the organization of the regiment and its earlier experiences, and the events occurring while on the way to the theater of war before the first battle, though prepared with great care, will not, perhaps, prove as entertaining as will some other portions which chronicle more stirring events. After we commence active operations and get down to business, as we begin to snuff the smoke and smell the powder of battle, the interest will awaken; and as we perform our part at Perryville or Chaplain Hills, our initial struggle, and leave that field and proceed, after a quiet interval, to Murfreesboro, and the strife amid the cedar jungles and breaks of Stone River, the interest will not lag or diminish. Then, after a season of delay and comparative repose, when offensive movements are resumed, the interest will be maintained as we move on and count off Fairfield, Manchester, Estill's Springs, Elk River, Winchester, Cowan's Station, Stevenson, Bridgeport, the Tennessee River, Sand Mountain, Trenton, and Alpine, and take up our weary march through cove and gap, and along mountain side

8

and top, to Chickamauga's bloody field. The interest will have grown, and sympathy added, by the time we get that dreadful strain behind us. Then comes the falling back to Chattanooga -- the picket, forage, and fatigue duty, and the siege ; scant fare for man and beast ; then the battle and the victory at Missionary Ridge; the winter campaign and slavish march to Knoxville and Dandridge ; the return, and preparation for the great summer campaign to Atlanta, in which long list of engagements the 73d scored the following: Rocky Faced Ridge, Resaca, Adairsville, Dallas, New Hope Church, Pine Mountain, Lost Mountain, Kenesaw Mountain, Marietta, Peach Tree Creek, Atlanta, Jonesboro, Lovejoy's Station; then a brief respite, and the return to Chattanooga, and the fall campaign in the heart of Tennessee, in which was put at stake all that had been gained in our previous contests. Through all, the reader will not fail to follow us, and the interest will continue and increase as we make our reconnoissances and rapid marches, and approach and pass through the skirmishes at Columbia and Duck River, the skirmishes at Spring Hill, and from thence to Franklin; and then the loosened fury, the seething hot and red holocaust, of the battle at the latter place. Then, a little later, occur the battles of Nashville, and, for us, the combat ceases. Pursuit of the flying enemy; camp-life; movement from point to point; the muster out; the return to Illinois; the final payment and disbandment, close the three years' experience; and the curtain drops. We are again -- some of us -- in civil life.

There were many difficulties encountered by the committee in prosecuting the search for facts and details, while preparing this history, though all who could

9

do so were willing to assist, and many have aided and encouraged the committee in its work. There are imperfections in the work, and some errors perhaps, but no wrong or injustice is intended. For all data and memoranda furnished, whether used or not, the thanks of the committee are hereby tendered. With earnest wishes for the well-being, both here and hereafter, of all who read this book, as well as of all who participated in the services here recorded or in the like services, we close.

THE COMMITTEE.

W. H. NEWLIN,

D. F. LAWLER,

J. W. SHERRICK.

15

THE first brigade the 73d was in, embraced three other regiments, viz.: the 100th Illinois, and the 79th and 88th Indiana, commanded by E. N. Kirk, colonel of the 34th Illinois.

The second brigade organization which included the 73d, also included the 44th Illinois and the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments, commanded by Colonel Laiboldt and Colonel Schaefer.

For all, or nearly all, the remainder of its term of service, the 73d was associated in brigade organization with six other regiments, viz.: the 36th, 44th, 74th, and 88th Illinois, the 24th Wisconsin, and the 125th Ohio, commanded by Colonel Frank Sherman, General Nathan Kimball, and Colonel (Brevet Brigadier-General) Emerson Opdycke.

There was a brigade formed a short time before the battle of Missionary Ridge -- when the army was reorganized -- that embraced all the regiments included in the two last brigade organizations above, except the 125th Ohio. It included nine regiments, the 22nd Indiana being one of the nine; but that regiment was soon sent elsewhere. In the course of time, the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments dropped out, and the 125th Ohio came in, leaving the seven regiments as last above named. The 21st Michigan was for a short time in our brigade.

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Chapter I.

A HISTORY OF THE SEVENTY-THIRD REGIMENT ILLINOIS INFANTRY VOLUNTEERS.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS -- RENDEZVOUS -- ORGANIZATION OF "THE PREACHER REGIMENT" -- COMPLETE ROSTER -- DUTY, EXPERIENCE, AND INCIDENTS AT CAMP BUTLER.

THE call of President Abraham Lincoln for three hundred thousand volunteers, dated July 6, 1862, was the "bugle-note" that summoned the men -- and boys -- of the 73d to the field. Almost immediately steps were taken to secure enlistments in the several companies. The regiment, as organized, was credited to the State at large. The reason for this was, probably, the fact that so many counties were represented in it. With two exceptions, no county furnished more than one company; and in some of the companies more than two counties were represented. There were ten companies in the regiment, representing not less than ten counties; each of at least ten counties being represented in the regiment by a full company, or a considerable fraction thereof; while two or three, or more, counties were represented by smaller squads and individual members.

Company A was raised in Sangamon County, though

18

Coles, Christian, and Tazewell Counties each had one or more representatives in it.

Company B was raised principally in Tazewell County, though Fulton, Henry, Mason, Menard, Montgomery, Sangamon, and Shelby Counties each had one or more representatives in it.

Company C was raised in Vermilion County, Edgar and Ford Counties each being credited with one man.

Company D was raised in Piatt County, one recruit being from Tazewell.

Company E was raised in Vermilion County, Champaign County being credited with three men.

Company F was raised principally in Logan County. Menard, Sangamon, and Woodford Counties each being represented.

Company G was raised principally in Schuyler and Jackson Counties, with representatives in the Company from Adams, Brown, McDonough, Stephenson, and Sangamon Counties.

Company H was raised principally in Adams and Pike Counties, though Brown, Hancock, and Sangamon Counties were represented in it.

Company I was raised principally in Sangamon County, with additions to it from the counties of Adams, Montgomery, Macoupin, Jackson, Gallatin, and Saline.

Company K was raised in the counties of Jackson and Saline, with some two or more men from each of the counties of Franklin, Gallatin, Williamson, and Perry.

Some twelve or fifteen counties had quite a respectable representation in the regiment, Sangamon and Vermilion Counties having the largest; while nearly or quite as many more counties were represented by smaller squads and individual members.

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So many counties being represented in the 73d, justly entitled it to the distinction of being credited to the State at large. The complete roster of the regiment, which appears herein, shows more particularly the several localities in the State that contributed to its ranks. How came it that a territory so great in extent, or localities so far apart, were drawn upon for material for this regiment, when several other regiments were being raised at the same time ? We do not assume to be able to give the true answer to this question; but will venture two or three possible reasons, or explanations, which may sufficiently answer it. Within one week from the date of the call for three hundred thousand men, the active work of securing

20

enlistments and raising companies began. On the part of many volunteers or squads and companies of such, there was, doubtless, an ambition, or desire at least, to get into the first, or one of the first, regiments organized in the State under that call. This may have been one reason; but another and more probable explanation may be found in the following statement, viz.: James F. Jaquess, late chaplain of the 6th Illinois Cavalry, was authorized by Governor Richard Yates, early in June, 1862, to raise a regiment of infantry volunteers. By reason of his connection with the Illinois Methodist Episcopal Conference, as a minister of the gospel, and later as president of the Illinois Female College at Jacksonville, which was under the supervision and patronage of the Conference, Rev. Jaquess had become widely and favorably known in the central portions of Illinois.

In many, if not most, of the neighborhoods and localities from which the 73d was recruited, the solicitations and appeals, the "drumming up" for volunteers, were made and participated in by ministers of the gospel, either in the regular or local work. This fact may have been due, in some instances, to Colonel Jaquess's influence, remotely if not directly. At any rate, when the several companies and fractions thereof reached Camp Butler, they, and the "preachers in charge," easily and naturally drifted into Colonel Jaquess's "Preacher Regiment," the 73d Illinois.

21

Another fact is probably also accounted for in the foregoing statement, which is that the large majority of the men of which the regiment was composed were young men -- boys between the ages of sixteen and twenty-five years -- and came, in large measure, from the educational, school, and Church walks of life. We do not wish to be understood as intimating that the farm, and shop, and business generally were not represented in the regiment; for these were largely represented in it.

Enlistments in the several companies dated from July 12 to August 17, 1862, as a rule; the exceptions being mostly in cases of recruits sent to the regiment in the field. The dates of the reporting of the several companies, and parts of companies, at Camp Butler, varied from about July 24 to about August 18, 1862.

By the latter date, all the companies, excepting Company E, had the number of men necessary to entitle them to muster in, while some of the companies had more.

To expedite matters, hasten the muster-in of the regiment, an arrangement was effected whereby Company C, from Vermilion County, "loaned" to Company E, also from Vermilion, some fourteen men. This entitled the regiment to muster-in, the companies having an average of more than eighty-five men. Accordingly, on the 21st day of August, 1862, the 73d Illinois Volunteers was mustered into the service of the United States for the period of three years, by Captain Ewing, of the 13th United States Infantry. The roster of the 72d Illinois, as it appears in the revised reports of the adjutant-general of the State, shows that regiment as having been mustered into service August 21st, the same day that the 73d was mustered in, while the historical

22

sketch of the regiment distinctly states, it was mustered into service August 23d, and started the very same day for Cairo, where it arrived on the 24th. If the roster be correct as to date of the muster-in, then the 73d has equal claim with the 72d to being the first regiment mustered into the United States service from the State of Illinois, for the term of three years, in the year 1862; and, if the historical sketch be correct, then the 73d has superior claim to that honor. The 71st Illinois was the last three-months regiment, and the 74th Illinois was not mustered into service until September 4, 1862.

At Bloomington, Illinois, recently, we met a comrade who had served in the 114th Illinois. On finding we had served in the 73d, he said: "And your regiment stole our number; we were to have had the number you got" We replied that we didn't know so well about that. We admitted that our regiment might have "foraged" or "flanked" his regiment out of the number it expected. We hardly think the "Preacher Regiment" ever stole anything; that is, until after it was numbered.

The fond, reluctant farewells having been spoken, the last glances having been taken, and the sad separations from familiar scenes and hearth-stones having been effected, the men of the several companies which were included in the 73d were organized, drilled, and disciplined, preparatory to admission into the service of the General Government. In addition to becoming accustomed to camp life and fare, becoming inured to the use of "army rations," the regiment, or details from the companies which, later on, composed it, did duty daily in guarding Confederate prisoners, of whom there were some two or three thousand at Camp Butler

23

at the time. This duty, and camp-guard and fatigue duty and squad and company drill, occupied the time up to about August 20th. On and before this date, the last proceeding, prior to the muster-in, was had -- the examination of the men by the medical authorities. This examination was, to all appearances at least, conducted in a thorough manner, though but very few of the men were pronounced unfit for army service. There were a few men, we remember, who were doubtful, as were also their messmates, as to whether or not they would pass this medical examination. Some of these, on being pronounced fit for service, were very well pleased.

As many in the volunteers of the 73d lived near their county boundary lines -- their homes in one county and their post-offices in another -- it is quite probable that a few counties are credited herein with men they did not furnish. In the roster, under the head of "Residence," the name of the post-office is frequently given instead of the name of the county in which the residence was located. In ascertaining the names and number of the counties that furnished volunteers to the 73d, we looked to see what counties certain towns and post-offices were in, thus including in the list, no doubt, a few more counties than we should. All errors of this kind corrected, it would still appear that very many good counties were represented in a very good regiment by very good men.

On August 21, 1862, as before stated, the regiment was formally mustered into the United States service. The complete roster of the field and staff, commissioned and non-commissioned, and of the several companies, both commissioned and non-commissioned, including recruits, as shown on the rolls of the 73d, is as follows:

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SEVENTY-THIRD INFANTRY REGIMENT. THREE YEARS' SERVICE.

FIELD AND STAFF.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence.
Date of rank or enlistment.
Date of muster.
REMARKS.
COLONEL.
       
James F Quincy Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
LIETUTENANT-COLONELS.
       
Benj. F. Northcott Quincy Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Jan. 16, 1863.
William A. Presson Rushville Jan. 16, 1863. Jan. 21, 1863. Resigned, Aug. 14, 1663.
James I. Davidson Griggsville Aug. 14, 1863. Sept. 3, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
MAJORS.
       
William A. Presson Rushville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted.
James I. Davidson Griggsville Jan. 16, 1863. April 6, 1863. "
Willliam E. Smith Mattoon Aug. 14, 1863 Killed in battle of Chickamauga, Sept. 20, 1863.
Thomas Motherspaw Monticello Sept. 20, 1863. June 27, 1864. Died of wounds received at Franklin; Dec. 18, 1864, date of death.
Wilson Burroughs Fairmount Jan. 31, 1865. Feb. 1, 1865. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
ADJUTANTS.
       
Richard R. Randall Doddsville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Dismissed, May 15, 1863.
Calvin R. Winget Quincy May 15, 1863. Killed at Chickamauga, Sept. 20, 1863.
William R. Wilmer Nokomis Nov. 7, 1863. Nov. 22, 1863. Killed at Franklin, Tenn., Nov. 30, 1864.
Charles Tilton Fairmount Nov. 30, 1864. Promoted, Captain Company E.
Joseph M. Garrett Delavan Jan. 31, 1865. Feb. 1, 1865. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
QUARTERMASTER.
       
James W. L. Slavens Tuscola July 29, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out June 12, 1865.

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SURGEON.
       
George O. Pond Griggsville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out June 12, 1865.
FIRST ASS'T SURGEONS.
       
Robert E. Stevenson Jacksonville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Nov. 30, 1863.
Henry O. McPherson " Apr. 21, 1864. May 1, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND ASS'T SURGEON.
       
Kendall E. Rich Henry Sept. 23, 1862. Sept. 23, 1862. Resigned, Sept. 2, 1863.
CHAPLAINS.
       
John S. Barger Jacksonville Aug. 15, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned April 3, 1863.
Isaac N. Jaquess Jan. 14, 1864. Feb. 24, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.

NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF.
SERGEANT-MAJORS.
       
Ezekiel J. Ingersoll Carbondale July 20, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 1st Lieutenant Company G.
Henry A. Castle Quincy Aug. 20, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, April 13, 1863; disability.
Joseph M. Garrett Delavan Promoted, Adjutant.
Daniel M. Davis De Soto July 28, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Q. M. SERGEANTS.
       
Thomas J. Window Littleton Aug. 9, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant, Company K.
James B. Wolgermuth Pike County Promoted, 2d Lieutenant, Company H.
Robert J. Alexander Princeton Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
COM. SERGEANT.
       
Riley M. Hoskinson Rushville Aug. 4, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862 Mastered out, June 12, 1865.
HOSPITAL STEWARDS.
       
Butler Presson Rushville Aug. 3, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862 Promoted, 2d Lieutenant, Company E.

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ROSTER OF NON-COMMISSIONED STAFF -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
HOSPITAL STEWARDS.
       
William R. Wilmer Nokomis Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Adjutant.
John W. Rush Pike County Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
DRUM-MAJOR.
       
Sylvester Dustin Fairmount Aug. 18, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, March 20, 1863; disability.
CHIEF BUGLER.
       
Joseph O. Joy Loami Aug. 6, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
COMPANY A.
CAPTAINS.
       
William E. Smith Mattoon Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Major.
Emanuel Cross Mechanicsburg . Aug. 14, 1863. Sept. 4, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
Edward W. Bennett Mecbanicsburg . Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Captain, Company F.
Emanuel Cross " Jan. 1, 1863. Jan. 11, 1863. Promoted.
Thomas W. Fortune " Aug. 14, 1863. Sept. 4, 1863. Resigned, Aug. 11, 1864.
Pierson H. Kiser " Aug. 11, 1864. Oct. 10, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENTANTS.
       
Thomas G. Underwood Mechanicsburg . Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 19, 1862.
Emanuel Cross " Dec. 19, 1862. Jan. 10, 1863. Promoted.
Thomas W. Fortune " Jan. 1, 1863. June 21, 1863. "
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
Emanuel Cross Mechanicsburg . Aug. 5, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.

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SERGEANTS.
       
Thomas W. Fortune Mechanicsburg . July 19, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
Charles B. Mantle " Aug. 7, 1862. " Killed at Stone River, Dec. 31, 1862.
Samuel C. Robbins " July 19, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Tenn., Mch. 30, 1863.
Jacob A. Lidnsey " Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged Oct. 22, 1862; disability.
CORPORALS.
       
John L. Hesser Mechanicsburg . Aug. 7, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Prisoner of war, 18 months; mustered out June 28, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.
Pierson H. Kiser " Aug. 6, 1862. " Promoted, Sergeant; then 1st Lieutenant.
James T. Armstrong " Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
William S. Bullard Illiopolis Aug. 6, 1862. " Wounded Nov. 30, 1864; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Thomas C. Perry " Aug. 1, 1862. " Died in rebel prison, Richmond, Va., Jan. 21, 1864.
Oliver McDaniel Buffalo Hart Aug. 2, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
James Kelley Cooper Aug. 6, 1862. " Killed May 17, 1864, at Adairsville, Ga.
MUSICIANS.
       
Jacob W. Ayres Mechanicsburg. Aug. 4, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to V. E. C. July 23, 1864.
Erastus Jackson Illiopolis Aug. 6, 1862. " Died in rebel prison, Richmond, Va., Dec. 12, 1863.
PRIVATES.
       
Aylesworth,VarnumT Buffalo Hart Aug. 6, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, March 18, 1863; disability.
Allen, Charles Christian Co " " Discharged, March 8, 1863; disability.
Beaver, Harnes J Cooper Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 6, 1863; disability.
Bechtel, David H Mechanicsburg . Aug. 6, 1862 " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Jan. 16, 1864.
Baker, Richard " Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Baker, Thomas " Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 6, 1863; disability.
Bird, Richard C " Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 20, 1863; disability.
Baughman, Joseph " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Blankenbaker, John S . Illiopolis Aug. 13, 1862. " " " " " "
         

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ROSTER OF COMPANY A -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Chambers, Jere. M. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to V. R. C., July 20, 1864.
Cantrell, Edward Cooper Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Cass, Henry M. Mechanicsburg . " " Mustered out June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Crone, Nelson " " " Died at Nashville, Jan. 25, 1863.
Copple, Alfred Cooper Aug. 6, 1862. " Deserted, Nov. 15, 1862.
Constant, William R. Buffalo Hart " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Fletcher, David C. Illiopolis " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Ferguson, Samuel Buffalo Hart . " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Fortune, Francis A. Mechanicsburg . " " Died at Nashville, Feb. 6, 1863.
Griffiths, John W. Illiopolis " " Wounded; died Sept. 20, 1863.
Gadberry, William Mechanicsburg . Aug. 14, 1862. " Discharged, May 20, 1863; disability.
Hudson, Joel Illiopolis Aug. 4, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hudson, Philo D. Buffalo Hart " " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
Hudson, George Illiopolis " " Wounded; died at Chattanooga, June 10, 1864.
Hampton, Harrison P. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Hampton, Preston B. " " " Discharged, April 18, 1863; disability.
Hadden, William H. Cooper Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 23, 1863; disability.
Huckelberry, John W. Mechanicsburg . " " Transferred to Inv. Corps, July 23, 1863.
Hiatt, A. B. Illiopolis " " Transferred to V. R. C., July 12, 1864.
Hirst, John W. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 14, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Aug. 26, 1864.
Humphrey, Jesse Illiopolis Aug. 10, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Huckelberry, Eli L. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, Nov. 25,1862; disability.
Hartman, Frederick W. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hess, M. L. D. M. " " " Discharged, July 18, 1863; disability.
Johnson, William H. " Aug. 12, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Kiser, John S. " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Kidd, James M. " July 21, 1862. " Died at Bowling Green, Nov. 3, 1862.
Lanterman, John L. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Murfreesboro, April 3, 1863.
Langley, John C. " " Discharged, July 25, 1863; disability.
Miller, Benjamin Cooper Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.

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Maxwell, William H. Illiopolis Aug. 5, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McDaniel, C. B. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 4, 1862. " " "
McGath, Andrew " Aug. 11, 1862. " " "
Meredith, William N. " Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, May 14, 1863; disability.
McElfresh, John T. " " " Discharged, Sept. 2, 1863; disability.
Milller, Isaac Cooper Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Marion, John Mechanicsburg . Aug. 2, 1862. " Transferred to V. E. C., Aug. 3, 1864.
McCurdy, Robert " Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, May 29, 1863; disability.
Morgan, Ira J. Christian Co " " Discharged, May 26, 1865; disability.
Montgomery, William M. Cooper Aug. 7, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 5, 1863.
Misner, Christopher Illiopolis Aug. 6, 1862. " Died at Louisville, Dec. 2, 1862.
Mantle, John Mechanicsburg . Aug. 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Mergenthaler, William. " " " " "
Neer, Lewis Cooper Aug. 7, 1862. " " "
North, John W. " " " Mustered out, July 15, 1865; was prisoner 18 months.
Neer, William " Aug. 14, 1862. " Discharged, April 6, 1863; disability.
Oliver, Richard B. Illiopolis Aug. 4, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
O'Neill, James Mechanicsburg . Aug. 14, 1862. " Killed, Stone River, Dec. 31, 1862.
Powell, Samuel B. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Prior, Isaiah T. " July 30, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 6, 1863; disability.
Ruffle, Jacob " July 24, 1862. " Lost an arm at Stone River; discharged, Jan. 24, 1863.
Ridgway, Alexander Illiopolis Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, July 3, 1865.
Rutherford, John T. Mechanicsburg . July 28, 1862. " Discharged, Aug. 5, 1863; disability.
Robbins, John A. Illiopolis Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Ridgway, Samuel F. Clear Lake Aug. 12, 1862. " Discharged, March 28, 1864; disability.
Sanders, William J. Cooper Aug. 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Sanders, Jesse " July 24, 1862. " " "
Spitler, John Mechanicsburg . " " Discharged, Nov. 25, 1862; disability.
Sprinkle, James A. Cooper Aug. 10, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Shrake, Stephen E. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 2, 1862. " Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry.
Shrake, Edward M. Christian Co Aug. 4, 1862. " Killed at Stone River, Jan 1, 1863.

30

ROSTER OF COMPANY A -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Shrake, George. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 5, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Bowling Green, Nov. 9, 1862.
Shrake, Emanuel Aug. 4, 1862. "
Shade, John T. Mechanicsburg . July 28, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Sept. 10, 1864.
Shamblin, James W. Rochester Aug. 6, 1862. " Deserted, Nov. 25, 1862.
Short, Stephen A. Mechanicsburg . " " Discharged, Jan. 18, 1865; disability;
Tall, William " July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Taff, William H. Illiopolis Aug. 2, 1862. " " "
Tally, John " Aug. 11, 1862. " " "
Williams, Joseph Cooper Aug. 8, 1862. " Killed at Kenesaw Mountain, June 27, 1864.
Withrow, Milton " Aug. 10, 1862. " Transferred, Jan. 15, 1864, to Inv. Corps.
Watkins, John M. Sangamon Co. . Aug. 12, 1862. " Deserted, Nov. 5, 1862.
RECRUITS.
       
Bullard, William H. Illiopolis Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Gray, John North Fork April 13, 1865. April 14, 1865. Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry.
Hadden, George W. Mechanicsburg. Jan. 29, 1864. Jan. 29, 1864. " " "
Ham, Jeremiah C. Christian Co. . Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Perry, Andrew J. Mechanicsburg . Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged, April 29, 1863.
Robertson, Charles " Feb. 13, 1864. Feb. 13, 1864. Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry.
Shrake, Philip N. Christian Co. Aug. 5, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. " " "

COMPANY B.
CAPTAINS.
       
Wilder B. M. Colt Springfield Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 1, 1862.
Harvey Pratt Delavan Dec. 1, 1862. Dec. 12, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
Harvey Pratt Delavan Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted.

31

George W. Patten Delavan Dec. 1, 1862. Dec. 12, 1862. Promoted, Captain Company I.
Joshua Bailey " May 24, 1864. Oct. 10, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENTANT.
       
Samuel W. McCormack . Boynton Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, Dec. 3, 1862.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
George W. Patten Delavan July 15, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 1st Lieutenant.
SERGEANTS.
       
Joshua Bailey Delavan July 17, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 1st Lieutenant.
Richard B. Scott Kewanee July 23, 1862. " Died, Dec. 2, 1864; wounded at Franklin.
Daniel W. Dillon San Jose July 22, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Robert J. Alexander Princeton July 19, 1862. " Promoted, Q. M. Sergeant.
CORPORALS.
       
William Moorhead Boynton Aug. 7, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862 Discharged, Jan. 27, 1863; disability.
Jesse D. Kilpatrick Sand Prairie July 23, 1862. " Promoted Sergeant; prisoner of war 18 months; died.
William Martin Atlanta July 22, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Thomas P. Wright Springfield July 26, 1862. " " " " Private.
John S. Parke Delavan July 14, 1862. " " " " Sergeant.
Alfred A. Holmes " July 15, 1862. " " " " "
Daniel J. Reid " July 23, 1862. " " " "1st Sergeant.
William F. Ballard Oconee Station . Aug. 11, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, July 1, 1863.
MUSICIANS.
       
Thomas A. Martin Boynton Aug. 12, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
William D. Rodgers Delavan July 14, 1862. " " "
WAGONER
       
Robert H. Faith Petersburg July 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.

32

ROSTER OF COMPANY B -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
PRIVATES.
       
Alexander, David W. Princeton Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Ayers, John M. Delavan " " Discharged, Jan. 1, 1863; disability.
Adams, David H. Boynton July 31, 1862. " Killed at Chickamauga, Sept. 20, 1863.
Allen, William M. " July 23, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 23, 1862.
Bell, Simon P. Springfield Aug. 2, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Baylor, Darius Manito July 19, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 26, 1863; disability.
Baylor, Joseph D. TazewellCo. " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Baldwin, Alfred Delavan July 22, 1862. " " "
Buckman, Joel H. " July 21, 1862. " Discharged, May 3, 1863; disability.
Boyden, Daniel San Jose July 22, 1862. " Mustered out June 13, 1865.
Brady, John Logan Co. July 31, 1862. " Died at Andersonville Prison, Nov. 9, 1864.
Baldwin, Daniel " Aug. 5, 1862. " Died at Gallatin, Tenn, Jan. 15, 1863.
Beck, Frederick " Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, Aug. 8, 1863; disability.
Brown, John A. Boynton " " Died at Andersonville Prison, Aug. 17, 1864; grave 5978.
Cahow, Alexis Oconee Station . July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Dodd, Reuben Brunswick, O. July 23, 1862. " Died Nov. 1, 1863; wounded at Chickamauga.
Davis, William E. Delavan Aug. 11, 1862. " Died, March 23, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Day, Ellis Oconee Station. Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Few, Peter B. Delavan July 17, 1862. " " "
Failor, George " July 23, 1862. " " "
Freeman, Martin L. " " " " "
Frazee, Thomas J. " Aug. 8, 1862. " " "
Gilcrest, Edwin R. " Aug. 11, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 6, 1862.
Gale, Charles L. Boynton July 17, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Glaze, Cyrus M. Delavan July 22, 1862. " Died at Delavan, Ill., Jan. 7, 1864.
Gooch, Dewitt R. " " " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Goodale, Dexter S. " " " Died at Nashville, Jan. 8, 1863.
Garrett, Joseph M. " July 23, 1862. " Promoted Sergeant-major.
Gaskill, Charles F. " Aug. 11, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Nov. 21, 1862.

33

Holt, John W. Oconee Station . Aug. 7, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862 Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Holt, Jesse Delavan " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865,
Huntley, Julian W. " July 17, 1862. " Died at Gallatin, Tenn.
Hunt, Joseph A. Sand Prairie " " Died near Murfreesboro, May 27, 1863.
Hannah, Francis H. Delavan July 22, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Hannah, James P. Atlanta July 31, 1862. " Discharged, Jan.14, 1863; disability.
Hatch, Thomas C. Hopedale July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hildebrand, Jacob Sand Prairie Aug. 8, 1862. " Died, Feb. 1, 1863; wounded at Stone River.
Hauptman, Edward A. Delavan July 31, 1862 " Discharged, March 1, 1863; disability.
Hill, Louis " Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 6, 1863; disability.
Holmes, James Nokomis Aug. 7, 1862. " Died, Oct. 4, 1863; wounded at Chickamauga.
Isenberg, Joel Delavan July 17, 1862. " Died, June 27, 1864; wounded.
Johns, Norris R. S. Sand Prairie " " Killed, Stone River, Dec. 31, 1862.
Jacobus, William A. " July 31, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 15, 1863; disability.
Jacobus, Levi K. Boynton " " Died at Nashville, Dec. 14, 1862.
Kibbey, George R. " July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 27, 1865; was prisoner.
Lawler, David F. Sand Prairie Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Long, John H. " July 23, 1862. " Discharged, Aug. 7, 1863; disability.
Lamphere, Ira L. Delavan July 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Logue, Reuben Armington Aug. 5, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Nov. 30, 1862.
Low, Thomas H. Avon July 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 11, 1865.
Morris, John W. Armington Aug. 7, 1862. " Died near Murfreesboro, April 28, 1863.
Monday, James W. Green Valley July 15, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Monday, Erastus R. " " " " "
McCormack, Marion Boynton Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 10, 1863; disability.
Miller, Benj. F. Big Prairie Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 9, 1863; disability.
McNichols, Chas. W. Oconee Station. Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
McLame, Zachariah Nokomis " " Died at Nashville, Jan. 11, 1863.
McNichols, Wm. D. " " " Was prisoner, captured at Chickamauga.
McNichols, Wm. H. " " " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Miller, Henry San Jose July 23, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Ohmart, George W. Prairie Creek . July 22, 1862. " " "
Opdyke, Benjamin Boynton " " " "
Patterson, Robt. H. Delavan July 19, 1862. " " "

34

ROSTER OF COMPANY B -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Palmer, David H. Boynton July 22, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Reid, Andrew J. Delavan July 19, 1862. " Died, Oct. 28, 1862, wounded at Perryville.
Robinson, Richard Boynton " " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862, at Stone River.
Richards, Chris. C. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Randolph, Calvin F. Malone Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Sherman, Adam Boynton July 23, 1862. " Mustered out, May 20, 1865.
Sage, Stephen L. Anderson Aug. 11, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 13, 1862.
Wright, Alex H. Springfield July 26, 1862. " Mustered out June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Wakefield, James San Jose July 15, 1862. " Transferred to 1st U. S. V. E. corps, July 20, '64.
Wakefield, Thos. J. Manito July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Ward, William B. Delavan July 17, 1862. " " "
Wertz, John C. " July 22, 1862. " Discharged, April 23, 1863; disability.
Wilmer, Wilmer R. Oconee Station . Aug. 11, 1862. " Promoted, Hospital Steward.
Winkler, Charles Nokomis " " Died at Nashville, Nov. 15, 1862.
Zuher, Jasper J. Red Oak Junc'n. Aug. 1, 1862. " Deserted, Oct. 9, 1862.
RECRUITS.
       
Buckman, Joel H. Malone Sept. 29, 1864. Sept. 29, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Brown, Marshall Delavan Feb. 9, 1864. Feb. 9, 1864. Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry; wounded.
Bailey, Cyrus M. Dillon Feb. 13, 1864. Feb. 13, 1864. Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry.
Cassady, Thomas Towanda Dec. 29, 1863. Feb. 8, 1864. " "
Drake, Noah Delavan Oct. 4, 1864. Oct. 4, 1864. " "
Hite, William H. " Transferred to 1st U. S. V. E., July 29, 1864.
Harbinson, Gilbert " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
Miller, George A. " Feb. 18, 1864. Feb. 18, 1864. Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry.
Newman, Burt " Sept. 29, 1864. Sept. 29, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Provost, Abraham " " " Mustered out, May 21, 1865.
Patten, George W. Discharged, Feb. 9, 1863; disability.
Spruce, John H. Delavan Oct. 6, 1864. Oct. 6, 1864. Transferred to 44th Illinois Infantry.

35

COMPANY C.
CAPTAINS.
       
Pattterson McNutt Georgetown Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, July 29, 1863.
Tilmon D. Kyger " July 29, 1863. Sept. 4, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
Mark D. Hawes Danville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Nov. 28, 1862.
Tilmon D. Kyger Georgetown Nov. 28, 1862. Dec. 6, 1862. Promoted.
William R. Lawrence Vermilion Co. July 29, 1863. Not mustered. Resigned as 2d Lieutenant, Oct. 24, 1863.
William H. Newlin Georgetown Oct. 24, 1863. June 9, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865; wounded at Peach Tree Creek and Franklin.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
Richard N. Davies Fairmount Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Nov. 20, 1862.
Tilmon D. Kyger Georgetown Nov. 20, 1862. Nov. 28, 1862. Promoted.
William R. Lawrence Vermilion Co. Nov. 28, 1862. Dec. 6, 1862. Promoted; was prisoner ; wounded at Chickamauga.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
Tilmon D. Kyger Georgetown July 12, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
SERGEANTS.
       
William R. Lawrence Vermilion Co. July 14, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
David A. Smith Georgetown July 12, 1862. " Promoted, 1st Sergeant; killed, Chickamauga.
William H. Newlin " " " Escaped prison; promoted, 1st. Lieutenant.
Robert B. Drake " " " Discharged; disability; dropped, June 30, 1863.
CORPORALS.
       
David McDonald Vermilion Co. July 18, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
John W. Smith Georgetown July 12, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 3, 1863; disability.
Carey A. Savage Vermilion Co. . July 19, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 6, 1863; disability.
William M. Sheets " July 17, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as first Sergeant.

36

COMPANY C -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Samuel Sigler Vermilion Co. July 17, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to V. R. C., Jan. 10, 1865.
William O. Underwood " July 21, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 9, 1862; disability.
John V. Don Carlos Georgetown " " Discharged, May 16, 1863; disability.
William Henderson Vermilion Co. July 17, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 20, 1862.
MUSICIANS.
       
Pleasant B. Huffman Georgetown July 17, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
William B. Cowan " " " Mustered out, May 17, 1865.
PRIVATES.
       
Allison, Joseph A. Vermilion Co. July 22, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; died Dec. 10, 1864, in enemy's hands, at Franklin.
Ashmore, Thomas T. Ridge Farm " " Discharged, Oct. 9, 1862; disability.
Ashmore, James W. Vermilion Co. " " Killed near Nashville, Dec. 3, 1864.
Brazelton, John " July 17, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 2, 1865.
Bishop, Wesley " July 18, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Brazelton, Enoch " July 21, 1862. " Discharged, March 12, 1863; disability.
Bogue, Amos " July 17, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Burk, John R. " July 22, 1862. " Wounded, Sept. 20, 1863; was prisoner; discharged June 9, 1864.
Brown, Enoch P. " " " Died, Sept. 20, '64, at Andersonville; grave 9350.
Boen, Samuel J. " July 24, 1862. " Wounded, Perryville; must'd out, June 12, '65.
Branson, David " July 22, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865; detached serv.
Bales, William D. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded, Resaca; mustered out, June 12, '65.
Brady, Nathan " " " Transferred to First U. S. E. C., July 20, 1864.
Brant, Clark B. Georgetown Aug. 10, 1862. " Discharged, Nov. 12, 1863; disability.
Cooper, Josiah Vermilion Co. July 17, 1862. " Died, Oct. 31, 1862, of wounds, Perryville.
Cook, William " Aug. 10, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 28, 1863 ; disability.
Cowan, Robert W. Georgetown " " Discharged, Feb. 9, 1863; disability.
Dye, John Vermilion Co. July 24, 1862. " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862, at Stone River.

37

Dye, Lawrence Vermilion Co. July 24, 1863. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, Jan. 28, 1863; disability.
Doop, David W. " Aug. 10, 1862. " Wounded, Perryville; discharged, Feb. 9, 1863.
Doop, John " " " Wounded; mustered out, June 13, 1865.
Ellis, Jonathan " July 22, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Ellis, William F. " " " Died, Sept. 23,'64, at Andersonville; grave, 9703
Edmonds, Benj. F. Georgetown Aug. 10, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 10, 1863; disability.
Fulton, Zenas H. " July 24, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
Goodwin, Henderson Vermilion Co. July 22, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, '65; lost arm
Gerrard, Alexander " " " Died at Nashville, Nov. 26, 1862.
Gerrard, John " July 24, 1862. " Died at Bowling Green, Nov. 16, 1862.
Hasty, Amasa M. Georgetown July 17, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Henderson, Nathaniel Vermilion Co. " " Wounded; discharged May 4, 1865.
Henderson, Henry C. " July 18, 1862. " Wounded, Chickamauga; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Halstead, John J. " July 22, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Feb. 23, 1863.
Henderson, Austin " " " Wounded and captured; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Hewitt, Samuel " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Hasty, Robert J. " July 18, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant and Color bearer.
Jones, John P. " July 24, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Judd, Thomas " July 17, 1862. " " "
Jones, Abraham " July 18, 1862. " " "
Lewis, Jehu " July 22, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Lewis, Alfred E. " July 17, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Long, John S. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded, Perryville; discharged, Jan. 13, 1863; died.
Morgan, Israel H. " July 17, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 1, 1862.
Madden, Clayborne " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Madden, Wright " July 21, 1862. " Transferred to gun-boat service, April 16, '63.
Martin, George W. " July 22, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Martin, Jacob " " " Died at Murfreesboro, Feb. 21, 1863.

38

COMPANY C -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster REMARKS.
Martin, William Vermilion Co. July 22, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded, Peach Tree Creek; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Milholland, Thomas " July 17, 1862. " Died at home, Nov. 11, 1862.
McIntyre, William " Aug. 5, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Jan. 15, 1863.
Madden, Thomas E. " Aug. 10, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 20, 1863; disability.
Nicholson, Joshua T. Paxton Aug. 15, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Jan. 18, 1863.
Nicholson, Alex. C. Georgetown Aug. 10, 1862. " Wounded, Fairfleld; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Newlin, Stephen Vermilion Co. July 17, 1862. " Wounded, Mission Ridge; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Peck, James S. " July 22, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Reagan, Harvey H. " Aug. 10, 1862. " " "
Reagan, Joseph " " " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Sheets, John C. " July 17, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 26, 1862.
Suycott, Daniel Georgetown July 20, 1862. " Captured, Stone River; must'd out, June 8, '65.
Shires, Christ. C. Vermilion Co. July 22, 1862. " Discharged May 28, 1863; disability.
Scott, Walter " July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Stephens, Francis M. " July 17, 1862. " Wounded, Perrvville; discharged, Dec. 5, '62.
Slaughter, James T. Edgar County . July 22, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., May 1, 1864.
Smith, Enoch Vermilion Co. July 21, 1862. " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Terrell, Artemas Georgetown " " " " "
Trimble, John Vermilion Co. July 22, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 9, 1862; disability.
Trimble, James W. " " " Transferred to V. R. C., April 10, 1864.
Thornton, Zimri " " " Died, October 30, 1862, of wound; Perryville.
Thompson, Isaac H. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Detached; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Thornton, John " Aug. 10, 1862. " Died, Sept. 16, 1864, in Andersonville Prison.
Thompson, John M. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 20, 1863; disability.
Williams, James F. Georgetown July 17, 1862. " Discharged March 26, 1863; disability.
Ward, Isaac W. Vermilion Co. " " Transferred to U. S. E. C., Aug. 21, 1864.
Yoho, James H. " " " Killed at Stone River, Dec. 31, 1862.

39

RECRUITS.
       
Bostwick, John Vermilion Co. July 15, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; discharged, May 27, 1864.
Blackburn, Sam'l W. " " " Died at Nashville, Nov. 28, 1862.
Cook, Charles W. " " " Detached, Aug. 26, 1863, as blacksmith, Battery G, 1st Mo. A.
Cook, William R. " April 11, 1864. April 12, 1864. Transferred to 44th Ill. Infantry.
Hollingsworth, Geo. " July 18, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Maudlin, James T. " July 13, 1862. " " " Sergeant.
Miley, George " July 15, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Feb. 3, 1863.
Moore, James E. " Aug. 13, 1862. " Wounded, Perryville; lost foot; discharged, March 17, 1863.
Purdum, Benjamin " Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out. June 12, 1865.
Thornton, Isaac R. " Aug. 10, 1862. " " "
Thornton, Merida " Aug. 1, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Jan. 15, 1864.
Willison, Aaron " Aug. 9, 1862. " " " Feb. 16, 1864.

COMPANY D.
CAPTAINS.
       
Thomas Motherspaw Monticello Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Major.
Jonas Jones " Sept. 20, 1863. Oct. 10, 1864. Wounded, Franklin; mustered out, May 15, '65.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
Jonas Jones Monticello Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted.
Henry A. Bodman Bement Sept. 20, 1863. Oct. 10, 1864. Resigned, March 9, 1865.
Harrison M. Alvord " April 11, 1865. April 25, 1865. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
Reuben B. Winchester Monticello Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 19, 1862.
Henry A. Bodman Bement Dec. 19, 1862. Dec. 22, 1862. Promoted.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
Henry A. Bodman Bement July 26, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.

40

ROSTER OF COMPANY D -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
SERGEANTS.
       
Harrison M. Alvord Bement July 24, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 1st Lieutenant.
John S. Jones Monticello July 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.
Martin V. B. Glasgow Bement July 31, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Barnabas Ricketts Piatt County July 18, 1862. " Discharged, Nov. 25, 1863, to accept promotion in colored regiment.
CORPORALS.
       
Thomas S. Jones Piatt County July 22, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; died Sept. 20, 1863.
Richard S. Hopkins Bement July 26, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Thomas S. Rush Piatt County July 28, 1862. " " " "
Samuel B. Garver " July 25, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
John Gay " July 22, 1862. " Died, Aug. 2, 1864, at Kingston, Ga.
Allen Wiley Monticello July 23, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Nov. 10, 1864.
Benjamin McFadden Bement July 16, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Oct. 17, 1864.
Martin V. Deter Piatt County July 22, 1862. " Transferred to Eng. Corps, July 20, 1864.
MUSICIAN.
       
Robert Newton Bement July 20, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
PRIVATES.
       
Abnett, James Y. Piatt County July 20, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to Vet. Res. Corps.
Albert, John M. " Aug. 7. 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Barnes, John " July 26, 1862. " Wounded; died May 16, 1864.
Bruffett, Robert " " " Discharged, Feb. 10, 1863; disability.
Branch, Edward " " " Died at Nashville, Dec. 16, 1862.
Bradshaw, Joseph N. " July 25, 1862. " Transferred to Eng. Corps, July 20, 1864.
Brown, John F. " July 24, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Beall, William " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 23, 1862.
Brady, Elishman " July 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.

41

Brown, David S. Piatt County Aug. 4, 1862 Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, April 4, 1863; disability.
Branch, James M. " July 26, 1862 " Died, April 5, 1865; wounded; Franklin.
Cooper, Levi G. " July 30, 1862. " Died, March 26, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Crouise, John " July 26, 1862. " Wounded; discharged Aug. 26, 1863.
Clover, David " July 28, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps.
Cooper, Joshua B. " Aug. 12, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Feb. 12, 1863.
Crevisson, Thomas " Aug. 6, 1862. " Wounded; discharged May 26, 1865.
Duvall, William " July 25, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 12, 1863; disability.
Duvall, Benjamin " Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 17, 1862; disability.
Duvall, Jeremiah " Aug. 4, 1862. " Discharged, Dec. 13, 1862; disability.
Deuce, Wesley " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 5, 1862.
Eubank, William M. " Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 12, 1863; disability.
Frump, Joseph " July 26, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps.
Furgurson, Nath. L. " Aug. 3, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Grundy, William H. " July 26, 1862. " "
Galbreath, Hugh " " " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Jan. 16, 1864.
Graham, James " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Garver, Jonas B. " Aug. 7, 1862. " " " as Sergeant.
Hughes, Thomas " July 23, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 3, 1862.
Howard, Henry M. " July 24, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Howard, James " " " Discharged, May 1, 1863; disability.
Hold, James W. " July 28, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Heath, Samuel " July 26, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 8, 1862.
Holts, Hiram " " " Died at Nashville, Dec. 17, 1862.
Heath, Allen Monticello Aug. 12, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hibbs, Isaac Piatt County Aug. 7, 1862. " Transferred to Eng. Corps, July 20, 1864.
Havely, Warner " July 26, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 2, 1862.
Idleman, Edward B. " Aug. 8, 1862. " Died, Feb. 9, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Johnson, Alexander " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Nov. 20, 1862.
Knowles, William C. " July 23, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Knapp, Ira " Aug. 4, 1862. " " " "
List, Francis M. " July 26, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Langdon, Lucian " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Le Varnway, Francis " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Feb. 23, 1863.

42

ROSTER OF COMPANY D -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Long, William J. Piatt County Aug. 9, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Musselman, John " July 21, 1862. " Mustered out, May 29, 1865.
Musselman, William " July 26, 1862 " Deserted, Dec. 26, 1862.
Miller, Elias M. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Mull, Samuel " Aug. 8, 1862. " Died at Nashville, June 16, 1863.
Martin, Joseph " Aug. 7, 1862. " Transferred to Eng. Corps, July 20, 1864.
McArdle, Leonard " Aug. 4, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McMillen, John C. E. " July 26, 1862 " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Markel, James H. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 25, 1862.
Madden, William " July 26, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Piper, James H. " Aug. 7, 1862. " " "
Quick, Ellsbury " Aug. 4, 1862. " " "
Ricketts, Samuel T. " July 21, 1862. " " "
Reynolds, John " July 26, 1862 " " "
Rainwater, John " " " Died at Nashville, Feb. 6, 1863.
Rice, William H. " July 28, 1862. " Discharged, Dec. 5, 1863; disability.
Richards, Samuel " July 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Sturms, Richard M. " July 28, 1862. " " "
Spencer, James C. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Spencer, Samuel C. " " " Discharged, Feb. 4, 1863; disability.
Secrist, William H. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Thorn, James L. " July 26, 1862. " Died, Nov. 19, 1863, at Stevenson, Ala.
Talbert, John T. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Vail, Jackson " Aug. 26, 1862. " " "
Vail, Stephen " " " Discharged, Feb. 8, 1863; disability.
Williamson, Edward " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Watrous, Henry " July 25. 1862. " Wounded accidentally; disch'rg'd, March 8,'63.
Weddle, John " July 20, 1862. " Died, Dec. 9, 1863, as prisoner, at Danville, Va.
Weddle, John H. " July 26, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.

43

Watson, Hiram S. Piatt County Aug. 2, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; died, Sept. 20, 1863.
Watson, Charles A. " Aug. 1, 1862. " Died, May 10, 1865, at Harrisburg, Pa.
Williamson, John " Aug. 4, 1862. " Deserted, Sept. 10, 1863.
Wilson, Samuel " " " Died at Nashville, Jan. 23, 1863.
Wiley, Charles M. " Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 9, 1862; disability.
Wiley George Monticello " " Died at Nashville, Dec. 12, 1862.
Zorger, Jesse Piatt County Aug. 7, 1862. " Died, Sept. 20, 1863, of wounds.
RECRUITS.
       
Coffin, William D. Piatt County Aug. 7, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Collins, William M. South Pekin Sept. 20, 1864. Sept. 20, 1864. " "
Yost, Aaron Piatt County Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. " "

COMPANY E.
CAPTAINS.
       
Wilson Burroughs Fairmount Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Major.
Charles Tilton " Dec. 18, 1864. Feb. 1, 1865. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
Charles Tilton Fairmount Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Adjutant.
Joseph M. Dougherty " Dec. 18, 1864. Feb. 1, 1865. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
David Blosser Fairmount Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 24, 1862.
Butler Presson Naples Dec. 24, 1862. Dec. 25, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 12, 1864.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
Silas S. Jack Fairmount Aug. 1, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Sept. 11, 1862, at St. Louis.
SERGEANTS.
       
Joseph M. Dougherty Fairmount Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 1st Lieut. ; wounded, Oct. 8, 1862.
Edwin Robertson " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.

44

ROSTER OF COMPANY E -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Mahlon Aldridge Fairmount Aug. 6, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; mustered out, June 14, 1865.
Townsend Hendrickson " Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
CORPORALS.
       
John L. Moore Fairmount Aug. 1, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; mustered out, Juue 12, 1865.
William J. Moore " Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, March 11, 1863; disability.
Reuben Jack " Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
George McCully " Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 5, 1863; disability.
William McCoy " Aug. 1, 1862. " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
William Powell " Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged March 15, 1863; disability.
Joseph H. Brown " Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, May 19, 1865.
William Hickman " Aug. 8, 1862. " Wounded, Mis'n Ridge; dis'h'g'd, Jan. 12, '64.
PRIVATES.
       
Alkire, William Fairmount Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died at Nashville, Dec. 1, 1862.
Busby, William H. " Aug. 12, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Aug. 7, 1863.
Bethards, Sylvester " Aug. 8, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Nov. 15, 1862.
Boggs, William " Aug. 9, 1862. " Died at Louisville, Dec. -- , 1862.
Busby, Silas M. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Busby, Thomas E. " " " " "
Barker, Amos B. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Busby, Thomas W. " Aug. 10, 1862. " " " "
Brananam, Daniel " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Blackburn, Samuel W. Dallas July 15, 1862. " Transferred to Company C.
Bostwick, John Georgetown " " " "
Burk, William H. Fairmount Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Coy, James " Aug. 1, 1862, " Discharged, Feb. 8, 1863; disability.
Catlett, Joseph L. " Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Cooper, Leroy " " " Transferred to 44th Ill.; must'd out, Aug. 8,'65.

45

Conner, Robert Fairmount Aug. 8, 1862 Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Nov. 9, 1862, at Bowling Green; accidental wound.
Conrod, Peter " Aug. 11, 1862 " Killed, June 17, 1864, nr. Kenesaw M't'n, Ga.
Cook, Charles Georgetown July 15, 1862 " Transferred to Company C.
Button, John W. Fairmount Aug. 1, 1862 " Mustered out, Aug. 2, 1865, as Sergeant.
Dougherty, F. M. " Aug. 8, 1862 " Died, Feb. 11, 1864, at Knoxville; accidental wound.
Dougherty, Jesse " " " Died at Nashville, Nov. 13, 1862.
Dougherty, Wm. A. " " " Discharged, January 1, 1863; disability.
Dunbar, John M. Danville Aug. 12, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Dustin, Sylvester Fairmount Aug. 9, 1862 " Promoted, Drum Major.
Dolby, Aaron Homer Aug. 12, 1862 " Wounded; discharged, Jan. 17, 1863.
Elliott, Perkins Fairmount Aug. 8, 1862 " Wounded at Kenesaw; mustered out, June 27, 1864.
Edwards, John D. " Aug. 9, 1862. " Died, May 30, 1863.
Fox, Titus J. " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Grant, George " Aug. 11, 1862. " Dropped, April 30, 1864, as a deserter.
Gorrell, John C. " Aug. 9, 1862 " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Harvey, Charles " Aug. 1, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Feb. 11, 1865.
Harvey, George E. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Harrier, George J. " July 15, 1862. " " "
Haynes, Jeremiah Fairmount Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hollingsworth, Cyrus Georgetown Aug. 15, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Jan. 7, 1865.
Hollingsworth, George " Aug. 18, 1862. " Transferred to Company C.
Justice, John Homer Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Kirkley, Benjamin Fairmount Aug. 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Kendall, John Dallas Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 9, 1862; disability.
Miley, George Georgetown Aug. 15, 1862. " Transferred to Company C.
Moore, William A. Fairmount Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McBroom, Joseph " Aug. 4, 1862. " " "
Martin, Patrick " Aug. 8, 1862. " Wounded, Franklin; disch'rg'd, March 25,65.
McCool, Sampson Georgetown Aug. 13, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McCool, William " " " " "
Moore, James E. " " " Transferred to Company C.

46

ROSTER OF COMPANY E -- Continued,
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
McKnight, William Springfield Aug. 13, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Deserted, Aug. 25, 1862.
Maudlin, James Georgetown " " Transferred to Company C.
Murdock, John " " " Wounded; died, Oct. 9, 1862, at Perryville.
Nelson, Ebenezer Fairmount July 30, 1862. " Died, at Nashville, Nov. 30, 1862; wounded, Oct. 8, 1862.
Neville William H. " Aug. 1, 1862. " Transferred to V. K. C., April 23, 1864.
Purdum, Benjamin Georgetown " " Transferred to Company C.
Pierce, George Fairmount " " Wounded; discharged, July 24, 1863.
Place, LeGrand J. Georgetown " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Quinn, John Fairmount Aug. 2, 1862. " Transferred to U. S. Vet. Eng'rs, July 20, '64.
Shoults, John A. " Aug. 1, 1862. " " " "
Thornton, Merida Georgetown " " Transferred to Company C.
Tuggle, Larkin Fairmount Aug. 9, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 24, 1862.
Taylor, William B. " Aug. 1, 1862. " Discharged, March 31, 1863; disability.
Thornton, Isaac R. Georgetown " " Transferred to Company C.
Willson David A. Fairmount Aug. 7, 1862. " Dropped, April 30, 1864, as a deserter.
Wright Thomas " Aug. 12, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 9, 1863; disability.
Ward, George " Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Watson, John Homer Aug 11, 1862 " " "
Willson James T. Fairmount Aug. 9, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 26, 1862; disability.
Willison, Aaron. Georgetown " " Transferred to Company C.
Watts Albert Fairmount Aug 2, 1862 " Discharged, Mar. 16, 1865; lost leg.
Williams Thos F. Dallas Aug. 9, 1862 " Discharged Feb. 10 1863; disability.
RECRUITS.
       
Meharry, Hilkiah F. Fairmount Aug. 26, 1862. Aug. 26, 1862. Discharged, April 5, 1865; disability.
Timmons, Cyrus J. " Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865; as musician.

47

COMPANY F.
CAPTAINS.
       
George Montgomery Middletown Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 18, 1862.
Edwin Allsop Springfield Dec. 19, 1862. Killed in battle, Dec. 31, 1862.
Edward W. Bennett Mechanicsburg. Jan. 1, 1863. Jan. 11, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
William Barrack Middletown Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862, Resigned, July 30, 1864.
Abijah Anderson Lincoln July 30, 1864. Not mustered. Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
Edwin Allsop Springfield Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted.
John Spindler Elkhart Dec. 19, 1862. Jan. 11, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
John D. Evans Middletown Aug. 2, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, April 21, 1863; disability.
SERGEANTS.
       
Thomas Wiley Broadwell July 26, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, Jan. 28, 1863; disability.
James A. Coil Middletown July 20, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Oct. 8, 1864.
Thomas D. Nolan " Aug. 5, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 19, 1862.
Harvey Long " July 28, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 12, 1865; disability.
CORPORALS.
       
John Spindler Elkhart July 20, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted Sergeant; then 2d Lieutenant.
Johnson W. Wright Broadwell Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
William Fyfe " " " " "
Jesse L. Kinney Lincoln Aug. 12, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Robert Z. McBride Middletown July 20, 1862. " Killed, May 15, 1864, at Resaca, Ga.
Henry W. Lunt " July 28, 1862. " Transferred to 44th Illinois, June, 1865.
Wesley Long " July 20, 1862. " Wounded; discharged June 6, 1864.
William H. Stevens " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as private.

48

ROSTER OF COMPANY F -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
MUSICIANS.
       
Edwin Montgomery Middletown July 18, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
John L. Stone Sweetwater Aug. 4, 1862. " " "
PRIVATES.
       
Applegit, Robert Lincoln Aug. 6, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died at Nashville, Nov. 5, 1863.
Allsop, Edwin Elkhart July 20, 1862. " Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
Anderson, Abijah Lincoln Aug. 4, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.
Anderson, Sydney Sweetwater Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged March 16, 1863; disability.
Barrick, Albert Middletown Aug. 4, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 19, 1863; disability.
Barrick, Dennis " " " Transferred to V. R. C., April 6, 1864.
Barrick, Noah T. " " " Mustered, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Boyer, Peter " Aug. 12, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 12, 1864; disability.
Brown, George W. " " " Discharged, Dec. 20, 1862; disability.
Boyer, William " " " Blustered out, June 12, 1865.
Burkett, Samuel Mt. Pulaski Aug. 7, 1862. " " "
Baxter, Noah Mason City " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Boland, James J. Broadwell Aug. 10, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Coil, Isaac C. Middletown Aug. 11, 1862. " Wounded; died Jan. 21, 1863.
Cline, Levi " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Chenoweth, Jacob Broadwell Aug. 7, 1862. " Died, April 9, 1863, at Murfreesboro, Tenn.
Craig, Francis A. Sweetwater Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, March 10, 1863; disability.
Duaney, George Middletown July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Dove, Henry B. Broadwell July 28, 1862. " Transferred to 1st U. S. Eng., July 20, 1864.
Davidson, Joseph A. Middletown Aug. 10, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Dunn, Newton S. Elkhart City " " Transferred to 1st U. S. Eng., July 20, 1864.
Davis, Nelson G. Middletown Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out June 12, 1865.
Dockum, Hosea " July 20, 1862. " " "
Eisinminger, Isaac Broadwell Aug. 7, 1862. " " "

49

Eisinminger, Harvey Broadwell Aug. 2, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to V. R. C., Sept. 1, 1864.
Eichorn, Philip Middletown July 20, 1862. " Transferred to 1st U. S. Eng., July 20, 1864.
Flanegin, William " July 22, 1862. " Discharged, Sept. 20, 1862; disability.
Fars, Henry Sweetwater Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 12, 1863; disability.
Gardner, George W. Middletown Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Jan. 2, 1863.
Gordon, Mark Broadwell " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Hunt, Benjamin H. Sweetwater Aug. 5, 1862. " " " "
Hobbs, Berry Prairie Creek . Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged, May 2, 1863; disability.
Keefer, John Middletown July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Kelsey, Ransom D. Sweetwater Aug. 4, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Jan. 15, 1864.
Keeley, Charles W. Middletown Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Knoles, Logan Sweetwater " " Discharged, Oct. 22, 1863; disability.
Level, Morgan Elkhart City Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Lotzenhiser, Wm. C. Middletown Aug. 6, 1862. " " "
Lloyd, Jonathan C. Logan County Aug. 9, 1862. " " "
McMasters, Ezra D. Middletown Aug. 2, 1862. " Absent, sick at muster-out of regiment.
McBride, Henry " July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
McGarvey, Marion " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Morris, Benjamin J. Hopedale " " Discharged, Jan. 13, 1863; disability.
Mecay, Nicholas Middletown July 30, 1862. " Discharged, March 6, 1863; disability.
Montgomery, Joseph " Aug. 6, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 10, 1862.
McKinney, George H. Prairie Creek . " " Wounded ; discharged, Feb. 12, 1865.
Martenia, William W. Middletown Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded, Stone River; died at Nashville.
Martenia, David " " " Died at Nashville, Dec 17, 1862.
Montgomery, Ritchey Sweetwater Aug. 9, 1862. " Died at Nashville, March 9, 1863.
Montgomery, Levi Middletown July 28, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Nash, John M. " Aug. 4, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., May 15, 1864.
Newkirk, Absalom C. Broadwell Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 17, 1863; disability.
Niewould, Theodore Prairie Creek Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Dec. 2, 1862.
Pounds, Benjamin " Aug. 4, 1862. " Wounded, Stone River; died Jan. 9, 1863.
Preston, Enoch Middletown " " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin, Tenn.
Phillips, Ephrain Lincoln Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, May 21, 1863; disability.
Shaner, William Middletown " " Discharged, Dec. 16, 1862; disability.
Shrader, William Broadwell July 28, 1862. " Wounded; died Nov. 9, 1862.

50

ROSTER OF COMPANY F -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Shrader, George Broadwell Aug. 28, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Killed at Resaca, May 15, 1864.
Shaw, Philip " Aug. 5, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Jan. 15, 1864.
Spivey, Jacob Middletown July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Stollard, Wm. N. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Nashville, Sept. 24, 1863.
Stollard, John " July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Stone, James P. Sweetwater Aug. 13, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Thompson, Joseph B. Prairie Creek Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Thompson, Archibald Broadwell " " Transferred to V. R. C., September 1, 1863.
Toberman, William Elkhart City " " Discharged, March 21, 1863; disability.
Tipton, William B. C. Broadwell Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded, Jan. 1, 1863; died at Murfreesboro.
Vanmeter, William Elkhart City Aug. 8, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., March 16, 1864.
Wiley, William O. Broadwell Aug. 2, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 18, 1863; disability.
Weaver, Robert Middletown July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Weaver, William " Aug. 5, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
Worley, Eli Broadwell Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Wolf, Cornelius C. Middletown Aug. 6, 1862. " Died, Sept. 24, 1862, at Cincinnati, O.
Work, Stephen Sweetwater Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, May 30, 1865.
RECRUITS.
       
Briggs, Hezekiah C. Broadwell Dec. 28, 1863. Dec. 28, 1863. Transferred to 44th Ill. Inf., June 12, 1865.
Broddess, Allen W. El Paso Feb. 6, 1865. Feb. 6, 1865. " " "
Burnett, John A. Mechanicsburg Dec. 3, 1863. Dec. 10, 1863. Killed, June 24, 1864, near Kenesaw.
Cramer, Urias El Paso Feb. 6, 1865. Feb. 6, 1865. Transferred to 44th Ill. Inf., June 12, 1865.
Cowardin, John J. Elkhart Dec. 28, 1863. Dec. 28, 1863. " " "
Henderson, James R. El Paso Feb. 6, 1865. Feb. 6, 1865. " " "
Shasteen, Henry Elkhart Dec. 28, 1863. Dec. 28, 1863. " " "

51

COMPANY G.
CAPTAINS.
       
John Sutton Rushville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Feb. 28, 1863.
Ezekiel J. Ingersoll Carbondale Feb. 28, 1863. Mar. 1, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
James F. Bowen Rushville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 24, 1862.
Ezekiel J. Ingersoll Carbondale Dec. 24, 1862. Dec. 25, 1862. Promoted.
William H. Dodge Rushville Feb. 28, 1863. Mar. 1, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
Uriah Warrington Quincy Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Jan. 25, 1863.
William H. Dodge Rushville Jan. 25, 1863. Jan. 29, 1863. Promoted.
John H. McGrath " Feb. 28, 1863. Mar. 1, 1863. Resigned, June 20, 1864.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
Patrick S. Curtis Olney July 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Reduced; deserted Sept. 13, 1862.
SERGEANTS.
       
William H. Dodge Rushville June 17, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted 2d Lieutenant.
Jeremiah E. Bailey " " " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
William T. Talbott Browning June 18, 1862. " Wounded; transferred to V. R. C., Oct. 17, '64.
William H. Horton Rushville Aug. 5, 1862. " Died, Dec. 25, 1863, at home.
CORPORALS.
       
Reuben H. Tolle Rushville June 14, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Patrick Sweeny Illinoistown July 2, 1862. " " "
John L. Braxson Springfield Aug. 1, 1862. " Discharged, Sept. 7, 1863.
George W. Shafer " " " Died, Sept. 11, 1862, at Seymour, Ind.
John Quinlan " Aug. 15, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Sylvester Orwig " " " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
George W. Goodrich " Aug. 19, 1862. " Killed, June 18, 1864, near Kenesaw.

52

ROSTER OF COMPANY G -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
MUSICIANS.
       
William E. Vaughn Rushville June 14, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, March 3, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Henry C. Coombs " " " Discharged, Aug. 31, 1863.
PRIVATES.
       
Agnew, Elias M. Rushville June 20, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Arnold, Robert Springfield Aug. 13, 1862. " Deserted, March 1863; 2d time.
Baker, John M. Rushville June 20, 1862. " Mustered out. June 12, 1865.
Brown, William H. " June 19, 1862. " " "
Castle, Henry A. Quincy Aug. 11, 1862. " Promoted Sergeant-Major.
Cameron, Thomas Rushville July 11, 1862. " Died, Jan. 15, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Colt, Peter H. K. " June 16, 1862. " Transferred to Inv. Corps, July 1, 1863.
Colt, John W. " June 28, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864; at Franklin.
Conover, William Springfield Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Criswell, Edward L. Rushville Aug. 13, 1862. " Deserted, Sept. 3, 1863.
Crooks, William H. " June 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Cunningham, Joseph " June 28, 1862. " " " "
Dougherty, John W. Mt. Sterling Aug. 13, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
Davis, James W. Rushville Aug. 12, 1862. " Wounded; transferred to V. R. C., April 6, '64.
Day, Lewis " Aug. 2, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Derrickson, Jos. M. " Aug. 9, 1862. " Died, March 26, 1864, in prison, at Danville, Va.
Dimmick, Wm. H. " June 14, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.
Daerfler, George C. " " " Killed, July 20, 1864, at Peach Tree Creek, Ga.
Elser, Joseph S. Doddsville Aug. 9, 1862. " Transferred to U. S. Engineers, July 20, 1864.
Elser, George P. " " " " " "
Emery, William " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Fuller, Maront M. Littleton July 19, 1862. " Mustered out, June 22, 1865.
Goodwin, John P. Rushville June 14, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Aug. 1, 1863.
Gorsage, Oscar " July 4, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Glassop, Frederick " Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.

53

Hagle, James Rushville June 28, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862 Wounded; transferred to V. R. C., Feb. 9, 1865; discharged, March 18, 1865.
Hooker, Jasper " July 4, 1862. " Wounded; transferred to V. R. O., Dec. 28, '64.
Horton, Thomas Littleton Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hoskinson, Riley M. Rushville Aug. 4, 1862. " Promoted Commissary Sergeant.
Hoskinson, Stuart F. " July 26, 1862. " Wounded; Franklin; discharged Feb. 10, 1865.
Hudson, Iven D. Springfield Aug. 1, 1862. " Died, Nov. 28, 1862, at Nashville.
Jourdan, Wm. H. H. " Aug. 14, 1862. " Died, March 18, 1863, at Nashville.
Lawless, Absalom H. Rushville July 14, 1862. " Died, Jan. 20, 1864, in prison, at Danville, Va.
Lemon Frederick Springfield Aug. 14, 1862. " Deserted, Dec. 1, 1862.
Linkins, James A. Rushville June 17, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Little, William H. Schuyler Co. July 26, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 25, 1864, at Missionary Ridge.
Meacham, Orland Rushville Aug. 9, 1862. " Wounded; died at Chattanooga, Aug. 12, 1864.
Morris, Newton, Jr. Browning July 3, 1862 " Died, Jan. 21, 1863, at Louisville.
McCormack, Wm. H. Springfield July 24, 1862. " Died, Aug. 5, 1864, at Nashville.
McDonald, Robert B. Illinoistown July 14, 1862. " Deserted, Sept. 3, 1862.
McGrath, John H. Rushville Aug. 14, 1862. " Promoted 2d Lieutenant.
McMahon, Patrick Illinoistown July 6, 1862. " Wounded; died Nov. 28, 1863.
O'Flagerty, James Springfield Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Pennington, Alexander Rushville Aug. 11, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., in 1863.
Presson, Butler " Aug. 3, 1862. " Promoted Hospital Steward.
Price, James L. Springfield July 29, 1862. " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862; Stone River.
Purnell, William T. Rushville July 3, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 3865.
Robinson, Benjamin L. Springfield Aug. 7, 1862. " Died, Jan. 6, 1863, at Nashville.
Scott, Levin O. Rushville July 10, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., July 1, 1863.
Seward, John E. Industry Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, June 29, 1863, as Corporal.
Sidebotham, John H. Rushville Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, April 29, 1863, as Corporal.
Sinclair, John Springfield Aug. 7, 1862. " Died, Feb. 20, 1863, near Murfreesboro.
Stout, Stillman Brookley June 17, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Swackhammer, Geo. Rushville Aug. 11, 1862. " " "
Talbott, Isaiah Browning June 17, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 19, 1862; disability.
Thurman, Merida A. June 14, 1862. "  
Thrush, Jacob J. Rushville Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, Sept. 22, 1862.
Tolle, James F. " June 28, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.

54

ROSTER OF COMPANY G -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Vannattan, Jseph Springfield Aug. 13, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Vannattan, Norman A. " Aug. 4, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Vanorder, George W. Mt. Sterling Aug. 13, 1862. " Discharged, March 13, 1863.
Vanorder, Harris A. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Welcome, Jacob Springfield Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Wilmot, Willard Rushville July 1, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 26, 1863.
Wilson, George " June 28, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Sept. 20, 1863.
Window, Thomas J. Littleton Aug. 13, 1862. " Promoted Q. M. Sergeant.
Worthbaugh, John W. Rushville July 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Wright, Smith Danville June 14, 1862. " " "
Wright, John Rushville Aug. 6, 1862. " " "
Yaap, Karl " Aug. 9, 1862. " " "
RECRUITS.
       
Bartram, Wells Springfield Died, Oct. 12, 1862, at Bardstown, Ky.
Blackley, William H. Buena Vista April 28, 1864. April 28, 1864. Transferred to 44th Ill., June 8, 1865.
Emery, Josiah Mechanicsburg. Feb. 22, 1864 Discharged April 11, 1865; disability.
Hogan, Patrick Springfield Aug. 21, 1862. Deserted, Sept. 17, 1862.
Swackhamer, John Buena Vista Jan. 4, 1804. April 5, 1864. Transferred to 44th Ill., June 8, 1865.
Thompson, James O. Littleton April 28, 1864. April 28, 1864. " " "

COMPANY H.
CAPTAINS.
       
James I. Davidson Griggsville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Major.
Joseph L. Morgan Alton Mar. 1, 1863. April 5, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
Samson Purcell Griggsville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Feb. 28. 1863.

55

Joseph L. Morgan Alton Feb. 28, 1863. Feb. 28, 1863. Promoted.
James B. Wolgermuth Pike Co. Mar. 1, 1863. April 5, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
Clement L. Shinn Griggsville Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 19, 1862.
De Witt C. Simmons Pike Co. Dec. 19, 1862. May 9, 1863. Resigned, May 29, 1863.
John W. Sherrick Adams Co. May 29, 1863. July 14, 1863. Wounded; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
De Witt C. Simmons Pike Co. Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
SERGEANTS.
       
Uriah Warrington Quincy Aug. 15, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant, Company G.
Joseph L. Morgan Alton Aug. 11, 1862. " Promoted, 1st Lieutenant.
John W. Sherrick Adams Co. July 25, 1862. " Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
James B. Wolgermuth Pike Co. Aug. 5, 1862. " Promoted, Q. M. Sergeant.
CORPORALS.
       
William Cammire Griggsville July 28, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; was prisoner; escaped; died, Dec. 4, 1864.
J. J. Goullee " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as private.
John Prather Adams Co. " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Jesse B. Newport Griggsville Aug. 8, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, May 6, 1864.
Thomas Wade Pike Co. Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded, Stone River; sent to hospital, deserted.
Elijah Bazin " Aug. 8, 1862. " Wounded; died Dec. 17, 1864, at Nashville.
George Johnson " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.
James Anthony " Aug. 6, 1862. " Transferred to V. R.C., Sept. 4, 1864.
MUSICIANS.
       
Willie G. Jaquess Quincy Aug. 1, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Theodore C. Northcot Mechanicsburg Aug. 18, 1862. " Transferred to 44th Ill. Inf., June, 1865.

56

ROSTER OF COMPANY H -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
PRIVATES.
       
Anthony, Samuel Pike Co. Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Anthony, William " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Bickerdike, Charles " Aug. 7, 1862. " " "
Baldwin, Simeon " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Bickerdike, Richard " Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, June 10, 1865 disability.
Biddle, James " July 28, 1862 " Supposed killed; missing since Sept. 20, 1863.
Bickerdike, James " Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged, June 21, 1863; disability.
Bennett, Henry Griggsville Aug. 5, 1862. " Died, Oct. 18, 1863, at Nashville.
Butterfield, Henry W. Pike Co. Aug. 07, 1862. " Discharged, Nov. 5, 1862.
Brown, Elijah " Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Biddle, Thomas C. Pike Co. Aug. 7, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 30, 1864, at Franklin.
Bradberry, George W. " Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out June 12, 1865.
Bradberry, Thomas " " " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862, at Stone River.
Bennett, George Adams Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., April 22, 1864.
Bishop, Lewis " " " Dis., Jan. 31, 1863, to enlist in marine service.
Cawthon Joseph D. Pike Co. Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, June 6, 1865.
Cohenour, Samuel C. " Aug. 4, 1862. " Disch., Aug. 6, 1863, as Corporal; disability.
Culler, George Adams Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Culler, Michael " " " Wounded at Franklin; died, Dec. 23, 1864.
Culler, Martin " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Culler, Smith " " " Wounded; discharged, Oct. 6, 186-.
Duran, Joshua Pike Co. Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 22, 1865.
Dolbly, James " Aug. 7, 1862. " Died at Andersonville, Ga.; grave No. 4663; prisoner of war.
Dickerson, William " Aug. 6, 1862. " Died, Dec. 1, 1862, at Nashville.
Dickerson, Mark " " " Prisoner of war; died, Danville, Va., Jun. 22, '64.
Evans, Hiram " Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, May 18, 1865.
Fuller, Marion Griggsville Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded; died, Aug. 18, 1864, at home.
Firestone, Joseph Adams Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, May 24, 1865.

57

Greeno, James Pike Co. Aug. 6, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Goolman, Josiah " Aug. 5, 1862. " Deserted, Dec. 31, 1862.
Goodwin, Archibald " Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Gargess, Samuel " Aug. 6, 1862. " Deserted, Dec. 31, 1862.
Hanlan, Daniel Pike Co. July 28, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., March 15, 1865.
Harris, William H. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hedges, John " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Hedges, James " Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hobson, John Adams Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Dis., Jan. 1, 1863, to enlist in marine service.
Ingersoll, Ezekiel, J. Carbondale Aug. 9, 1862. " Promoted, Sergeant-Major.
Lancaster, James Adams Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., April 16, 1864.
Lancaster, David " " " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862, at Stone River.
Lynd, Nathaniel Pike Co. Aug. 8, 1862. " Died June 13, '64, from wounds at Chick'ma'ga.
Lytle, James " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Lytle, Isaac " " " Wounded; disch., May 29, 1864, as Sergeant.
Lytle, Jeremiah " " " Wounded, Miss. Ridge ; died, Dec. 24, 1864.
McCune, Isaac " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as sergeant.
McCallister, Edwin " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 2, 1865.
McKibben, William " July 28, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McClane, Charles " Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded, Chickamauga; died, Nov. 29, 1863.
McCallister, John T. " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Mummy, Joshua Griggsville " " Discharged, Oct. 9, 1862; disability.
Martin, George Adams Co. " " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862, Stone River.
McKnight, James " " " Wounded; discharged, May 12, 1863.
Mull, John M. Springfield Aug. 14, 1862. " Mustered out, July 6, 1865.
Nettleton, Edward Pike Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 24, 1863, at Missionary Ridge.
Penston, Giles H. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded; mustered out, June 29, 1 865.
Phillips, Andrew J. " Aug. 6, 1862. " Discharged, March 2, 1863; disability.
Penston, Edward " Aug. 5. 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Rist, Joseph Hancock Co. Aug. 15, 1862. " " " "
Rush, John W. Pike Co. Aug. 8, 1862. " Promoted, Hospital Steward.
Robbins, Edward A. Adams Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Was prisoner; mustered out, July 22, 1865.
Rist, Smith Hancock Co. Aug. 15, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Rist, Milton " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 29, 1865.

58

ROSTER OF COMPANY H -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Swin, William H. H. Pike Co. Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; discharged, Jan. 21, 1863.
Turnicliff, David " Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Thompson, Nathaniel M. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Killed Oct. 8, 1862, at Perryville, Ky.
Thompson, John W. " " " Died, Feb. 14, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Thayer, Austin Adams Co. July 25, 1862. " Transferred to U. S. Engineers, July 29, 1864.
Thayer, Edward " " " " " "
Watson, Nathaniel L. Pike Co. Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Winegar, Alpheus " July 28, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Yelliot, John " Aug. 8, 1862. " " "
RECRUITS.
       
Anderson, Oliver H. Quincy Aug. 18, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Carnes, Abel Pike Co. Aug. 8, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 18, 1862; disability.
Leeds, La Fayette Atlas Dec. 22, 1863. April 5, 1864. Deserted, April 11, 1865.
Phillips, Francis A. Griggsville Feb. 11, 1864. Feb. 15, 1862. Trans, to 44th Illinois Infantry, June -- , 1865.
Wilson, William H. Buckhorn Oct. 11, 1864. Oct. 11, 1864. " " " "

COMPANY I.
CAPTAINS.
       
Peter Wallace Loami Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, May 24, 1864.
George W. Patten Delavan May 24, 1864. Oct. 18, 1864. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST LIEUTENANTS.
       
John L. Barger Cuba Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 16, 1862.
James M. Turpin Loami Dec. 16, 1862. Dec. 22, 1862. Resigned, Oct. 21, 1863.
Adna Phelps " Oct. 21, 1863. Nov. 7, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.

59

SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
James M. Turpin Loami Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted.
Calvin R. Winget Quincy Dec. 16, 1862. Dec. 22, 1862. Promoted, Adjutant.
Adna Phelps Loami May 15, 1863 Promoted.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       
Adna Phelps Loami Aug. 5, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, 2d Lieutenant.
SERGEANTS.
       
John N. Williams Auburn Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, Nov. 26, 1862; disability.
Wm. V. Greenwood Chatham July 25, 1862. " Discharged, Dec. 12, 1862; disability.
Elisha T. McComas Curran Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded; died, Jan. 6, 1863, Murfreesboro.
William B. Crooker Chatham Aug. 1, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Dec. 1, 1862.
CORPORALS.
       
David Cook Auburn Aug. 13, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Wounded; died, Sept. 20, 1863; Chickamauga.
Edward G. Turner Quincy July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Daniel G. Foster Auburn Aug. 11, 1862. " Wounded; died, Sept. 20, 1863; Chickamauga.
Thomas N. Baker Loami Aug. 13, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Green W. Ansbrey " Aug. 11, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, June 6, 1864.
Alex. M. Cassity " " " Wounded; discharged, March 10, 1865.
David S. Burton " Aug. 13, 1862. " Discharged, April 12, 1864; disability.
Calvin J. Hinman " Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, June 18, 1863; disability.
MUSICIANS.
       
Robert N. S. Barger Jacksonville Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
James O. Weir Loami Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded; died, Oct. 7, 1863.
WAGONER.
       
Charles R. Campbell Loami Aug. 9, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 22, 1863.
PRIVATES.
       
Anderson, Benjamin M. Chatham Aug. 10, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Jan. 1, 1863, at Nashville.

60

ROSTER OF COMPANY I -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Avery, James De Soto Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Transferred to Co. K., Sept. 6, 1862.
Bartlett, Lorin S. Quincy " " Discharged, Jan. 15, 1863; disability.
Baker, Cyrus W. " "
Beasley, Henderson July 27, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 24, 1862.
Clark, Ashford W. Loami Aug. 8, 1862. " Wounded, discharged, Feb. 10, 1863.
Curry, Clark S. Aug. 9, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 24, 1862.
Coffman, Hiram T. Loami Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Cozine, William Carlinville Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Clower, John C. White Oak Aug. 14, 1862. " Mustered out, June 16, 1865.
Castle, Chauncey H. Quincy Aug. 8. 1862. " Transfered to V. R. C., Jan. 15, 1864.
Colburn, Gilbert O. Loami Aug. 21, 1862. " Died, July 1,'64, Andersonville prison; gr. 2753.
Drennan, John S. Chatham Aug. 9, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, June 18, 1864.
Denning, William H. Auburn Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Dodd, William H. Loami " " Wounded; died, Oct. 8, 1862, Perryville, Ky.
Dodd, William S. " " " Transferred to V. K. C , Aug. 10, 1863.
Duncan, Ferd. M. Quincy Aug. 11, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Dec. 12, 1862.
Denny, James W. Bates Aug. 12, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Jan. 1, 1864.
Emmons, Leonidas W. Auburn Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Foster, John R. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded; died, Sept. 20, 1863, Chickamauga.
Foster, Samuel G. " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Fortner, William Chatham Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Fortner, Wiley " Aug. 7, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Fortner, James " " " Discharged, April 30, 1863; disability.
Fenstermaker, Henry Loami " " Discharged, March 30, 1863; disability.
Fisher, Isaac N. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Jan. 15, 1864.
Fisher, John W. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Was prisoner; mustered out, July 21, 1865.
Gamble, William C. White Oak Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as First Sergeant.
Greenwood, Thomas Loami Aug. 7, 1862, " Died, Jan. 16, 1863, at Nashville.
Gould, Lucius F. Bates Aug. 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hall, Henry H. Aug. 12, 1862.

61

Herley, James P. Loami Aug. 7, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Dec. 3, 1862, at Nashville.
Harper, George W. " " " Transferred to Inv. Corps, Aug. 1, 1863.
Hall, John W. " Aug. 5, 1862. " Discharged, May 11, 1865; disability.
Hileman, Thomas Harrisburg July 8, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 24, 1862.
Hinds, James V. " July 28, 1862. " Deserted at Murfreesboro.
Inglish, William F. Auburn Aug. 9, 1862. " Wounded; September 20, 1863; died.
Joy, William E. Loami Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, March 4, 1863.
Joy, James M. " " " Was prisoner; mustered out, July 22, 1865.
Joy, John W. " Aug. 8, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Dec. 1, 1862.
Jarvis, Joseph De Soto Aug. 11, 1862. " Transfered to Co. K, Sept. 6, 1862.
Joy, Joseph O. Loami Aug. 6, 1862. " Promoted, Chief Bugler.
Kincaid, John Carbondale Aug. 8, 1862. " Transferred to Co. K, Sept. 6, 1862.
Kelley, Francis M. Chatham " " Transfered to Invalid Corps, Jan. 15, 1864.
Lacey, William K. Loami Aug. 21, 1862. " Transfered to U. S. Engineers, July 20, 1864.
Luckey, John Auburn Aug. 12, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Lyon, Jason Loami " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Landgrebe, George F. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded; discharged, Aug. 31, 1863.
Mills, James " Aug. 5, 1862. " Wounded; died, Jan. 6, 1863.
Miller, William G. Chatham Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McClure, James C. Loami Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged. Feb. 17, 1863; disability.
McLaughlin, Hugh " " " Discharged, April 1, 1863; disability.
Moxson, Cole Bates Aug. 12, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 27, 1864; disability.
Osborne, James W. Auburn Aug. 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Parrish, Andrew J. White Oak Aug. 14, 1862. " Was prisoner; mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Peers, William Shawneetown Aug. 3, 1862. " Transferred to Co. K, Sept. 6, 1862.
Pettis, Morgan B. Aug. 9, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 24, 1862.
Remington, James B. Quincy Aug. 21, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Rea, Alexander C. " " " " "
Roberts, Robert R. Loami Aug. 5, 1862. " Was prisoner; mustered out, June 22, 1865.
Sweet, Vestal Harrisburg Aug. 4, 1862. " Transferred to Co. K, Sept. 6, 1862.
Sullivan, James B. " July 27, 1862. " " "
Savage, Miles O. Auburn July 9, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Strickland, Theo. F. Loami July 7, 1862. " Transferred to U. S. Engineers, July 29, 1864.
Taylor, Oliver Shawneetown July 27, 1862. " Transferred to Co. K, July 6, 1862.

62

ROSTER OF COMPANY I -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Tyas, George Loami Aug. 14, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Nov. 30, 1862, at Nashville.
Thorp, Eleven C. " Aug. 7, 1862. " Wounded; died, May 14, 1864, at Resaca.
Turpin, William A. " " " Died, Dec. 26, 1862, at Nashville.
Winget, Warren C. Quincy July 19, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 24, 1863; disability.
Winget Calvin R. " " " Promoted, Second Lieutenant.
Whiting, Jacob N. Chatham Aug. 7, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 13, 1863; disability.
RECRUITS.
       
Campbell, Daniel Broughton Mar. 21, 1865. Mar. 21, 1865. Transferred to 44th Ill. Inf., June 8, 1865.
Schaffner, Benjamin St. Louis, Mo. Aug. 22, 1862. Aug. 27, 1862. Wounded; died, June 25, 1864, Chattanooga.

COMPANY K.
CAPTAINS.
       
Reuben W. Laughlin De Soto Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Feb. 28, 1863.
James A. Rice Harrisburg Feb. 28, 1863. Mar. 1, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
LIEUTENANTS.
       
James Lancaster De Soto Aug. 21, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Resigned, Dec. 24, 1862.
James A. Rice Harrisburg Dec. 24, 1862. Dec. 25, 1862. Promoted.
Thomas J. Window Littleton Feb. 28, 1863. Mar. 1, 1863. Discharged, May 13, 1865.
SECOND LIEUTENANTS.
       
James A. Rice Harrisburg Aug. 21, 1862. Oct. 8, 1862. Promoted.
Thomas J. Window Littleton Dec. 24, 1862. Dec. 25, 1862. "
Daniel B. Van Winkle Du Quoin Feb. 28, 1863. Mar. 1, 1863. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
FIRST SERGEANT.
       

63

SERGEANTS.
       
Daniel M. Davis De Soto July 28, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Promoted, Sergeant Major.
Samuel Heiple " " " Discharged, Nov. 19, 1862; disability.
Daniel B. Van Winkle Du Quoin " " Promoted, Second Lieutenant.
George B. Cory De Soto Aug. 21, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., April 30, 1864.
CORPORALS.
       
William M. Karnes Equality July 15, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Private.
Henry Hinchcliff De Soto Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Franklin Glidewell " July 21, 1862. " Wounded; died,Ander'nville prison; gr. 1850.
Jacob Millhouse " July 30, 1862. " Discharged, April 30, 1865; disability.
Oliver P. Fulton " July 29, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Eliphaz C. Porter Harrisburg " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Private.
George W. Oatman Vergennes Aug. 1, 1862. " Killed, Dec. 31, 1862, at Stone River.
Joseph A. Weir June 28, 1862. " Wounded; died, Oct. 8, 1863, at Chattanooga.
MUSICIANS.
       
Charles W. Purdy Vergennes Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Discharged, Dec. 16, 1862; disability.
Alva G. R. Mattice Harrisburg July 1, 1862. " Discharged, July 14, 1863; disability.
PRIVATES.
       
Austin, Samuel G. Elkville Aug. 1, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, March 1 , 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Andrews, George Murphysboro Aug. 10, 1862. " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Beam, John De Soto " " Pro. Corporal; wounded, died, Oct. 1, 1863.
Bourland, Andrew " July 21, 1862. " Discharged, Jan. 14, 1863; disability.
Brown, Edward F. Vergennes Aug. 13, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Sergeant.
Bush, Stephen Jackson Co. July 28, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 6, 1862; disability.
Bridges, Daniel S. Gallatin Co. " " Transferred to U. S. Engineers, Aug. 16, 1864.
Crews, John R. De Soto Aug. 6, 1862. " Killed by guerrillas, supposed.
Crews, Robinson " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Crews, Levi De Soto Aug. 1, 1862. " Killed, May 15, 1864, at Resaca.
Chitty, Augustus H. " Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Cox, Elias G. " Aug. 3, 1862. " " "

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ROSTER OF COMPANY K -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Cox, John H. De Soto July 29, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Deason, James P. " Aug. 6, 1862. " Died, Dec. 6, 1862, at Nashville.
Davis, Thomas H. Vergennes Aug. 12, 1862. " Died, Jan. 12, 1863, at Nashville.
Edwards, Henry M. Aug. 4, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 26, 1862.
Farner, Cyrus De Soto Aug. 1, 1862. " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Farner, Harrison " " " Died, Feb. 13, 1863, at Murfreesboro.
Farner, Noah " Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Freedline, Isaac " " " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Forrest, Charles Equality July 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Gray, Wiley Elkville Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Grove, John W. De Soto " " Deserted, Aug. 26, 1862.
Hill, Josephus " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Heiple, Joseph " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Heiple, Franklin " Aug. 1, 1862. " Discharged, Dec. 23, 1863 , disability.
Heiple, Henry " Aug. 6, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Heiple, John " Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, June 27, 1863; disability.
Holt, De Witt C. Elkville July 29, 1862. " Discharged, Feb. 12, 1863; disability.
Holt, Leander July 8, 1862. " Deserted , Aug. 26, 1862.
Hall, Joseph Equality " " Died, Aug. 5, 1863, at Louisville.
Hamilton, Samuel Macanda July 20, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Hays, James De Soto July 31, 1862. " "
Jackson, Moses W. " Aug. 11, 1862. " Died, July 2, 1864, at Nashville.
Kolb, George " " " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Lennene, Michael " " " Discharged, Dec. 25, 1862; disability.
Lenallen, Lonsford " Aug. 13, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Nov. 1, 1863.
Morgan, Henry C. " Aug. 11. 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Morgan, Charles " " " Killed, Sept. 20, 1863, at Chickamauga.
Morgan Benajah " July 28, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., Jan. 15, 1865.
Moody, Martin Vergennes Aug. 11, 1862. " Wounded; died, July 28, 1864; Chattanooga.

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Morey, Perry Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Deserted, Aug. 26, 1862.
Morey, Lyman H. July 8, 1862. " " "
Martin, Enoch Osage Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
McDonald, Benjamin Marion July 11, 1862. " Died, Nov. 17, 1863, at Nashville.
Murray, James M. Raleigh July 7, 1862. " Transferred to V. R. C., May 1, 1864.
Nosley, Henry De Soto Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
O'Brien, Henry Equality July 3, 1862. " Dishonorably discharged for desertion.
Pool, William R. De Soto Aug. 9, 1862. " Died, Dec. 10, 1862, at Nashville.
Pool, James V. " " " Discharged, Feb. 2, 1863; disability.
Parrish, John W. " July 29, 1862. " Killed, Nov. 25, at 1863, Mission Ridge.
Purely, Henry J. Vergennes " " Died, Jan. 22, 1863, at Bowling Green.
Porter, John B. Du Quoin Aug. 8, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Phelps, William De Soto July 21, 1862. " Died, Nov. 7, 1862, at Bowling Green.
Rude, Alvas " Aug. 1, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 4, 1862; disability.
Rodman, John " Aug. 5, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Riceling, Levi " Aug. 11, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 6, 1862; disability.
Russell, William " July 25, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 26, 1862.
Riley, James July 3, 1862. " Deserted, Aug. 28, 1862.
Smith, James P. De Soto Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Storey, Peyton R. Murphysboro July 21, 1862. " Discharged, Oct. 4, 1862; disability.
Spieth, Benjamin De Soto Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Stacey, Elijah Jackson Co. Aug. 11, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Simpson, Robert Equality July 3, 1862. " " "
Tuthill, Harlan P. Vergennes Aug. 12, 1862. " Wounded, Nov. 30, 1864; mustered out, June 12, 1865, as 1st Sergeant.
Turk, William Harrisburg June 27, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Varnom, John V. De Soto Aug. 9, 1862. " Died, Dec. 6, 1862, at Nashville.
Varnom, Adam " Aug. 12, 1862. " " " "
Walker, Franklin " Aug. 1, 1862. " Mustered out, May 23, 1865.
RECRUITS.
       
Avery, James De Soto Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died, Dec. 6, 1862, at Nashville.
Brown, Daniel H. Du Quoin Dec. 1, 1863. Dec. 4, 1863. Trans, to 44th Illinois Infantry, June 8, 1865.
Deason, John B. Minor; deserted before muster-in.

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ROSTER OF COMPANY K. -- Continued.
NAME AND RANK.
Residence. Date of rank or enlistment. Date of muster. REMARKS.
Jarvis, Joseph De Soto Aug. 11, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Died in Andersonville prison, July 20, 1864.
Kinkaid, John Carbondale Aug. 16, 1862. " Mustered out, June 12, 1865, as Corporal.
Purdy, John W. Du Quoin Dec. 1, 1863. Dec. 5, 1863. Transferred to 44th Illinois Inf., June 8, 1865.
Peers, William Shawneetown Aug. 8, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Rice, James A. Harrisburg June 27, 1862. " Promoted, Sergeant; then 2d Lieutenant.
Sweet, Vestal " Mustered out, June 12, 1865.
Sullivan, James B. " July 27, 1862. Aug. 21, 1862. " "
Turk, David " July 15, 1862. " " "
Taylor, Oliver Shawneetown July 27, 1862. " Died, Dec. 26, 1862, at Bowling Green.

UNASSIGNED RECRUITS.
Holt, Richard Cairo Jan. 27, 1864. Jan. 27, 1864.
Horton, Nathaniel Delavan Feb. 9, 1864 Feb. 9, 1864.
Kelley, William N. Mechanicsburg Feb. 5, 1864. Feb. 5, 1864. Discharged, July 2, 1864.
Kelley, Jersey " Jan. 29, 1864. Jan. 29, 1864.
Newberry, Augustus Delavan Sept. 29, 1864. Sept. 29, 1864. Rejected by Board.
Robinson, James A. Chicago Mar. 15, 1865. Mar. 15, 1865. Mustered out, July 1, 1865.
Smith, Charles " April 11, 1865. April 11, 1865.

We are unable to ascertain whether any person was mustered in as first sergeant of Company K or not. The original roll in the office of the adjutant-general at Springfield does not show that any one was so mustered. A close inspection of this roster reveals the fact that desertions were "by pairs" in many cases, also that nearly or quite one-third of the desertions occurred before the regiment arrived at Louisville, Ky. As already stated, this roster is substantially the same as that shown in the revised reports of the adjutant-general of the State.

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In this roster are, no doubt, a number classed as recruits who were on hand, ready for muster, August 21, 1862; but -- as in the case of W. H. Bullard, Company A -- being minors, and without a permit to join the army, signed by parent or guardian, could not be mustered. Bullard enlisted August 4, 1862, was made corporal, but being without permit at time of muster-in of regiment, his muster into service did not take place until after he obtained permit, which was on August 22d, he being mustered in the evening of that day. Some of these so-called recruits were in at the beginning and remained to the end, as did Bullard.

The foregoing roster is the same as that found in Volume IV of the Revised Reports of the adjutant-general of the State of Illinois.

The total number of men, including officers and recruits, mustered into the 73d Regiment of Illinois Infantry Volunters, from the beginning to the end of its service, was, according to careful count, ...... 972

Killed in battle, 53  
Died of wounds, 45  
Died of disease, 102  
Died in prison, 16  
Discharged on account of wounds, 36  
Discharged on account of disability, 146  
Transferred, and promoted, to other branches of service, 129  
Resigned service, 29  
Dismissed, 1  
Dishonorably discharged, 1  
Deserted. 31  
Unaccounted for, 6  
Missing, and supposed killed, 4  
Mustered out at close of war, 373  
    972

The foregoing table would, perhaps, more properly come in at the close of this history. We prefer to give a connection with the roster, for convenience in case verification. The roster discloses the fact that

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Company K furnished a few men to Company I, to make up to the latter company the number requisite to entitle it to muster-in.

After the muster-in of the regiment, its stay at Camp Butler was brief. We will close this chapter by recording a few facts and incidents in the experience of the regiment while there.

As has been already noted, a part of the duty performed by the regiment at Camp Butler was guarding Confederate prisoners. One day a detail of ten or a dozen men was called for, to do duty inside the barracks, and outside too, guarding squads of Confederates. The detail was made, and put under the charge of a sergeant, who reported to the proper officer inside the barracks. The detail was directed to "rest at will," in a certain place. Soon after this the sergeant was called on for three or four guards, to watch a squad of prisoners while performing some sort of fatigue duty -- digging graves for some of their unfortunate comrades, perhaps. Later he was called on for three or four men to guard a squad of Confederates while taking a swim in the Sangamon River. The men were furnished as required, and started with some twelve or fifteen prisoners for the "swimming-hole." The "Johnnies" were counted, or supposed to have been, as they hurriedly passed through the barracks gate, going out. In the course of an hour, or less time, the guards, with the prisoners in charge, returned, and the latter were counted as they, less hurriedly than before, passed inside the barracks. The guard at the gate alleged that the squad of prisoners coming in was not as large by one or two men as the squad going out. Whether true or not it was so reported, and the guards were

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forthwith lodged in the guard-house and the sergeant ordered to "consider" himself under arrest. This was probably about the first experience of any of the 73d in the guard-house. Whether any Confederates really escaped or not is not certainly known. Surely none were drowned, as there were no "duds" of "butternut" hue left on the river bank.

While speaking incidentally of the rebel prisoners, we will quote what is said of them directly, under date of July 25, 1862, in a diary we have at hand (Kyger's):

"Camp Butler is a piece of ground surrounded by a plank fence about twelve feet high. It contains twelve acres, and the west half is the encampment of the rebel prisoners, some twenty-three hundred in number. They are a hard-looking class, unintelligent, but look hardy, and are nearly all large men."

The 73d being the "Preacher Regiment," we will quote from the same diary, under date of July 27, 1862, as follows:

"The first Sabbath morning in camp. Called together by the drum and fife. Had prayers and called the roll. At eleven o'clock we were called together by the drum and fife for preaching. Played two tunes and sung, which by the way was quite a singular way to commence meeting. During the sermon, preached by V. J. Buchanan, muskets were heard firing on all sides; the soldiers were discharging the old loads from their guns. Had dinner, and at three o'clock we were again called together and had a sermon by Davies, by the way a good one; and had some lady visitors to hear him; quite a crowd present. Time passed off pleasantly; all social, and good fellows well met. Now, while I write, Lieutenant Davies is taking down the names of those who belong to Church. He took fifty-five names."

The work done by Lieutenant Davies in the line suggested is something that he need not regret; doubtless he recalls it with no small degree of satisfaction.

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Religious services were persevered in by the "Preacher Regiment" for quite a period of time, not only at Camp Butler, but later on, as opportunity offered and preachers remained with it willing to lead them. The chaplain of the regiment had a number of brother preachers -- a dozen at least -- among the officers, who could aid or relieve him in the duties of his position; but after the lapse of six or eight months he had to assume almost the entire responsibility of his office, Colonel Jaquess occasionally supplying his place.

A day or so before the regiment was mustered in, a man was found in one company who had reconsidered the matter of entering the military service of his country, and concluded that he would not be mustered or sworn into service. As soon as his determination was certainly known, the fife and drum corps of his company, re-enforced perhaps by that of other companies, collected quite a crowd, and with the repentant volunteer a little in advance, he was promptly drummed out of camp, and escorted part of the way to Jim Town, the nearest railroad station, now Riverton. The name of that man does not appear on the rolls of the regiment. Had he entered the service fully he might have made a splendid soldier; or he might now be accounted for as a deserter, as some thirty odd of the regiment now are accounted for, either justly or unjustly; there are instances of both no doubt. We can imagine certain reasons which may not justify or excuse the crime of desertion, but at the same time might serve to palliate the offense or lessen its punishment.

The regiment was not supplied with arms at Camp Butler, except for use temporarily while drilling, or on duty in and about the barracks. In the matter of uniform,

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clothing, camp and garrison equipage, some delay was met with, and much trouble and annoyance experienced. This was probably occasioned by the demand for such articles being greater than the supply. There was some hitch or delay in issuing the first commissary stores, rations, bread, beans, and bacon to some of the companies or squads on arriving at Camp Butler. One company, we know, did not partake of its first breakfast in camp until ten o'clock, though arriving there at four o'clock, six hours earlier in the day. After the exhibition of some perseverance and patience, as well as of impatience, the regiment was fully furnished with all supplies needed before it reached "Dixie."

Of course the distribution of clothing and the donning of uniforms furnished the regiment with considerable fun and merriment. The experience of the 73d in this respect was similar to that of all other regiments. When a man selected a uniform that was too small or too large, the inquiry would be, "Where's the man that will fit this suit?" or "Have we got a man that will meet the requirements of these ‘breeches,’ and leave nothing to spare?" "Here's a suit that was made for Walter Scott, or David McDonald," according to size, an extra small suit being suited to Scott, while an extra large suit was required to suit "Mac" If an extra large pair of shoes was found in the invoice to Company C -- a pair too large for "Mac," for instance -- no uneasiness was felt, and no hesitation either, at striking a trade for that pair in Company D with "Commodore Foot." A little time only was required to make all needful adjustments of the man to the clothes, or the clothes to the man; or if more was required, there were some tailors in the regiment -- one anyhow, Suycott, in

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Company C -- who could "cut down," "fill in," "piece out," or do all the "ripping" and "sewing up" that was indispensable to comfort and a soldierly appearance.

The time of the regiment put in to the greatest advantage and credit while at Camp Butler, was the time spent in drilling. The regiment had the advantage and good fortune of possessing a good drill-master in the person of its Major, William A. Presson. In matters of drill and strictly military maneuvers and movements the major was very proficient, and be had a singular tact and directness in imparting his knowledge to others. He laid well the foundation for a well-drilled regiment, by enabling it to perfectly perform all the simpler and essential evolutions. We hazard little in saying that few, if any, regiments left the preparatory camp for the front during the war that were better drilled than the 73d Illinois. Touching this point, we shall show in a succeeding chapter, in its order according to date, what General P. H. Sheridan had to say.

We must not omit detailing one little incident that occurred before the companies of the regiment had been instructed in military tactics. It occurred inside the barracks one morning, at guard-mounting. One of our fifers -- the one who officiated as fife-major of the regiment -- manipulated the fife at this particular guard-mounting. The music he made was, if possible, more perfect than his step was graceful. The adjutant who superintended the mounting of the guards, desiring to recognize and compliment our fifer on the superiority of his music, saluted him, making a simple, graceful, military salute. Wherepon our fifer, instead of returning the salute or keeping right on with his music, turned to his left, advanced to the adjutant, and shook

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hands with him. "And you shook hands with the adjutant?" was a remark addressed quite often to Major Huffman during his three years' service. But the major only intended to be polite; he was not going to be outdone by an adjutant.

Each enlisted man of the regiment received forty dollars at Camp Butler -- twenty-five dollars advance bounty, two dollars "premium," and one month's advance pay, thirteen dollars. The two companies from Vermilion were paid a bounty by that county, each married man receiving twenty-five dollars, and each unmarried man ten dollars.

NOTE 1. -- Of the 373 men mustered out, June 12, 1865, quite a number, perhaps an average of five or six men to the company, had not for some time seen active service with the regiment, but were sent to it in order that they might be mustered out with the others.

NOTE 2. -- This being intended as a history of the services of the 73d, not much space is devoted to a detail of events occurring before the regiment reached the theater of active operations. We preferred to give space to the roster, thus showing the complete organization.

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Chapter II.

LEAVE CAMP BUTLER -- JOURNEY TO LOUISVILLE -- CAMP JAQUESS -- ARMS AND OTHER SUPPLIES ISSUED -- MULES, TOO -- CAMP YATES -- HARD MARCH -- GO TO CINCINNATI AND COVINGTON -- RETURN TO LOUISVILLE.

THE 73d having been as fully equipped and as well drilled as was the rule in cases of volunteers leaving the preparatory camp, little was left to be done in the way of final preparations, after its muster-in, before starting for the front.

The urgent need of additional forces in the field probably hastened the supply of transportation for the regiment. On the sixth day after its muster into service, the regiment was provided for in this respect. On the twenty-seventh day of August, 1862, we broke camp for the first time, and withdrew in "good order" from Camp Butler, leaving nothing of value in the line of war material behind. A train, consisting of about twenty cars, with an engine in both front and rear, was found on the track of the Toledo, Wabash and Western Railroad, ready for our accommodation. We mounted this train, and very soon after getting "stowed away," in position, the precautionary notice, "All aboard," was given; it pulled out, and we sped on our journey from the "Prairie State." Whether notice of our coming was sent on in advance we can not say, but at most of the towns and stations on the way crowds had collected to witness what was then becoming a rather usual spectacle

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the passing of troops on their way to the scene of actual conflict. Our train, perhaps, being a "special" instead of a regular train, was the real explanation of the interest and curiosity manifested at the different points. We were, however, greeted with cheers and huzzas, and many "Godspeeds" and "God bless you's." Not only at the towns would these exhibitions of interest and approval be manifested, but from many a cottage home in the country, and on the farms near the railway, a hat, bonnet, or handkerchief would be seen to wave to us an encouraging farewell.

After leaving Camp Butler and Jim Town, perhaps the only points where we received accessions to our numbers were Bement, Fairmount, and Danville. These places being in the midst of or near to localities which had furnished volunteers to the regiment, a few men who had availed themselves of the privileges conferred by a "French leave" to go home and make some final dispositions and adieus, probably got aboard at each point last named, as our train came along. Most of the men volunteering from Sangamon County and the counties north, south, and west of Sangamon, had fixed up business, and attended to all these tender and delicate matters at home before the muster-in of the regiment.

Soon after passing Danville we were beyond the limits of Illinois. At Lafayette Junction, near Lafayette, Indiana, we changed direction, our train was "switched off" to another railroad and headed for Indianapolis. Manifestations of a cheering and encouraging character, similar to those we had witnessed in Illinois, also greeted us on our way through the "Hoosier" State. These manifestations, as well as the change of

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objects and scenery, and discussion and speculation in respect to the future, served to mitigate the sadness or preoccupy the minds of the men, thus preventing the sadness, which it was expected they would feel on finally getting away from their homes. But little time had been lost at intermediate points before reaching Lafayette Junction, but the rate of speed at which our train had traveled was not very high. We reached Indianapolis late in the day. At this point some delay was expected, because unavoidable. While necessary details were being looked after, and arrangements for our transportation southward were being made, darkness came over us.

Shortly after nightfall, our long train was cut in two. Owing to the deficiency and imperfection of the light, but few men in the regiment were aware that our train had been divided, and they were near the point on one or the other of the two cars, where the severance was made. Each section was moved about considerably, backward and forward, while most of the men supposed our train was moving as a whole train. Finally the two sections, came alongside each other, and the inquiry, "What regiment is that?" "What regiment is that?" was propounded by the men on each train to those on the other. It so happened, the men on both trains gave the wrong answers to the questions propounded. Strange thing, too, for soldiers to do. Taking those answers as a correct indication, several States were represented on the two trains, and were sending troops south at the same time. The answers as made provoked a shower of additional questions from either side, and the men soon found they were all soldiers from Illinois and belonged to the same

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regiment. Most of the talk, however, was indulged in after this discovery was made, there being a real deception at the start.

Late in the night we left Indianapolis for Jeffersonville arriving at the latter place early on the twenty-eighth day of August, 1862. We got through breakfasting, north of the Ohio River, and had not long to look or loiter around before crossing to the south side of that stream, in a vessel used for ferrying purposes. The heat of the day was mostly endured in the streets of Louisville.

Some time before night-fall our first camp-ground was selected, and we marched to it, and made preparations for our first night's rest on Southern soil. Next day the boundaries of the camp were definitely determined, and space assigned to head-quarters and to each company. The camp was located not very far from the Louisville and Nashville Railroad depot, and was named "Camp Jaquess," in honor of our colonel. Tents were put up in order, rations were issued, and a camp-guard established, though the guards had no arms to use while doing guard duty, other than clubs and revolvers. Of the former, quite a number were picked up and used in lieu of guns and for fuel; and of the latter quite a number were in the regiment, owned chiefly by the officers, commissioned and non-commissioned. While still destitute of arms, other than those just mentioned, the regiment was called on for men to perform guard duty at points remote from the city and our camp. Whether this duty was regarded as necessary, or merely imposed as a means of disciplining the men and initiating them into military "mysteries," we do not know. We do remember there were some grave intimantios

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as to the importance and danger possibly belonging to or connected with the duty to be performed. The very best revolvers therefore were in demand by those men who were trusted to the extent of being charged with this duty. Much solicitude was felt and expressed as to whether or not the revolvers would "miss fire" just at a time when a minute was worth more than an ordinary life-time. The "loads" in those revolvers were not discharged at any other marks, so far as we know, than stumps, board fences, and embankments; nor were any of the guards attacked or run into by anybody or anything more formidable than milk and fruit men and wagons; these, of course, failed to get into the city, being turned back at all points where our guards were posted. Some of the men, after doing duty like that a few times, doubtless began entertaining the idea they were full-fledged veterans. But if so, they soon learned better.

By the time we were getting fairly settled in Camp Jaquess, and beginning to have some crude notions, more definite ideas about soldiering, we received our ordnance stores, also tents, wagons, harness, mules, ambulances, and medical supplies. Soon after the distribution of these, we received orders to march. Clothing and some other supplies furnished by the quartermaster, we had received at Camp Butler. We did not get away from Camp Jaquess, however, without passing one Sabbath-day, August 31, 1862, which was appropriately observed by the regiment.

The arms issued to the regiment were the Belgian or Austrian musket, caliber No. 58; the former, we think, was the pattern or kind of musket we received. It carried a bullet, three buck-shot, and all the powder

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necessary to make the ball and shot go somewhere. These muskets were rather heavy, and, with bayonet, cartridge-box, and forty rounds of ammunition added, one of them made quite a burden for an ordinary man to carry. At this stage of our service, too, a knapsack and its contents was no small matter, nor was a haversack containing three days' rations much less.

We moved from Camp Jaquess early in September, having remained there about one week. Camp Dick Yates, located some three and one-half or four miles eastward from Louisville, was our next stopping-place. We got our quarters and camp comfortably arranged and in order by September 5th. From this fact we judge that our change from our first to second camp in Kentucky took place either on the second or third day of September. At Camp Yates we found quite a number of troops, all new regiments like our own. The several regiments were drilled some and organized into brigades; one division only being formed.

Between the fourth and tenth days of September, two notable events in the experience of these new troops occurred. The memoranda at hand does not disclose which of these two events occurred first; it matters little, but the memorable inspection at Louisville probably came first. The command was ordered to Louisville for the purpose of submitting to an inspection. The men were required to march with packed knapsacks and all other accouterments. The wagon-train accompanied the command; it was to be inspected also. Arrived in the city, after a fatiguing march; the weather being very warm and dry, and the loads the men carried, in many cases, being "simply immense," "beyond all precedent," it could not have been otherwise.

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We were halted in the street, knapsacks were unslung, and the inspecting officers proceeded to business. The officers made thorough work of it, going through knapsacks and each wagon. Many articles were thrown out of knapsacks, articles of utility and value in almost any place, convenient in camp perhaps, but not essential or indispensable to soldiers while on the march. From the train valises, trunks, and many other superfluous articles were thrown out. A large trunk landed on the sidewalk, taken from one wagon of our train, and which belonged to one of the corporals, was the subject of much comment. The chief object of this inspection evidently was to reduce the amount of stores to be transported by the trains or carried on the backs of the men to something like reasonable proportions. The inspection ended, and the command returned to camp. On the return march many of the men dropped out, being extremely wearied, some of them not reaching camp until the next day.

The other event deemed noteworthy occurred immediately after we received intelligence of the defeat of the Union forces at Richmond, Kentucky. Our command was required to make a hasty march in the direction of the scene of the late disaster. After something more than a day's march we met the retreating forces. After they had passed by, we started on our return march to camp. This little jaunt was also pretty severe on the new troops, water being scarce or hard to find, and the dust correspondingly abundant. At Camp Dick Yates, on September 7th, Colonel Jaquess officiated as chaplain; at least he preached a sermon, and had for hearers a great many soldiers, besides those of his own regiment. He used as a pulpit

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the porch of the large residence-building where the general head-quarters were located.

The 100th Illinois and the 79th and 88th Indiana Regiments were associated with our own in brigade organization, while at Camp Dick Yates. The officers and men of the different regiments of the brigade were subject to detail to serve as staff-officers, clerks, and orderlies at the brigade head-quarters. Those officers and men detailed to do duty in the capacities named, were detailed temporarily only, and sent away from their companies to discharge certain duties for the time being, or during the pleasure of the brigade commander. We know this all very well now; have known it quite a long time; learned it very soon after entering the first brigade we were in, Colonel E. N. Kirk commanding. Colonel Kirk had to have staff-officers, clerks, and orderlies. Of these the 73d furnished its share. A first lieutenant and a duty-sergeant were detailed from one company to serve as staff-officer and clerk, respectively, at brigade head-quarters. A mistake was made in supposing these details created vacancies in that company. We copy the original draft of an order issued from our regimental head-quarters:

"HEAD-QUARTERS 73d REGIMENT ILLINOIS VOLUNTEERS, CAMP DICK YATES, September 5, 1862.

"Tilmon D. Kyger is hereby appointed second lieutenant of Company C, 73d Regiment, Illinois Volunteers, a vacancy having occurred by the promotion of Lieutenant M. D. Hawes to the general's staff."

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There was a mistake made in issuing the order at all, there being no vacancy, and there was a mistake in the order itself, as Hawes was first lieutenant, not second; it was sought to make Davies first lieutenant and to advance Kyger to the place thought to be made vacant by the promotion of Davies. The position thought to be made vacant by the duty sergeant's absence from the company, was promptly filled by the promotion of a corporal over three sergeants. It was well the corporal had his laugh first, or he would have had none on this score, as when the error was discovered he had to resume his accustomed place, and the sergeants aforesaid had a laugh. We give this scrap of history by way of illustrating how egregiously green green troops were. What was learned in this instance was well learned, and never forgotten.

Immediately after our return march, covering the retreat of those forces which had been defeated at Richmond, Kentucky, we were again placed under marching orders.

On September 10, 1862, we left Camp Dick Yates and marched to Louisville. At seven o'clock P. M. were ordered to march forthwith to the Jeffersonville landing. In the vicinity of this landing we remained until the morning of September 11th. The weather was exceedingly dry, the dust being not less than two inches deep at the point where we passed the night. Early on the 11th we learned Cincinnati was our destination, and soon after crossed the Ohio River to Jeffersonville. We boarded the cars at Jeffersonville at 10.30 o'clock A. M. and started northward. Eight miles out we were delayed by the smashing of a trestle-work as it was being passed over by a train ahead of ours. Three

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cars were thrown off the track, and rolled into a ravine. We remember this delay very well, as, while waiting, some of us repaired to a farm-house near the railroad and got an "old-time" dinner, the first meal we had taken under a roof since leaving home.

We left Sellersburg, Clark County, Indiana, at 5.15 o'clock P. M., and two hours later arrived at Seymour. At about midnight, we were again on the way, bound for Cincinnati, eighty-four miles distant. The train consisted of twenty-five cars, each car "closely packed" with soldiers. We reached Cincinnati at six o'clock on the morning of September 12th, and marched immediately to the Fifth Street market-place, and took breakfast. At eleven o'clock we marched down to the river and crossed on a pontoon bridge made of coal-boats and

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plank. Our marching through the streets to the river attracted general attention and excited favorable comment, and many inquiries as to whether our regiment was an old one or not. Shortly after this a very fine engraving was produced representing or showing the regiment as it appeared when passing on to the pontoon bridge.

In the streets of Cincinnati we met a few soldiers who had been separated from their commands since the battle at Richmond, Kentucky, of August 30th. Escaping capture, these men had fled before the advance of Kirby Smith's army to Cincinnati for safety. One of these men, David M. Haworth, of the 3d East Tennessee Infantry, being acquainted with many of the soldiers in Company C, of the 73d, remained with them until about October 1st.

Again pressing Kentucky soil, we marched through Covington, and pitched our tents in the eastern suburbs of town. The people of Covington, as well as those of Cincinnati, were entertaining great fears of an attack by Kirby Smith. Many citizens turned out and helped to throw up fortifications. It appears, from a diary at hand -- Kyger's -- that the regiment had either battalion or company drill on Saturday, September 13, 1862. The entry for September 14th we copy in part as follows:

"Received marching orders at 5.15 o'clock A. M., and at 7.45 o'clock A. M. the regiment moved off down the turnpike, and crossed over Licking Creek. Halted at eleven o'clock A. M. for further orders. I write this from Fort Licking, on a high eminence; the fort has two cannon, one twenty-four pounder and one thirty-pounder, commanding the Lexington turnpike, the eastern entrance to the city. From this point I can see fortifications on all the hills around. View most splendid. We pitched our tents in the orchard near the fort."

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We might quote still more, but as the experience and the events for another week did not materially change, this will suffice. The attack on the part of the enemy, which at first seemed imminent, did not materialize; and the excitement and apprehension among the people subsided and disappeared.

Our stay at Covington and in the neighboring country did not cover two weeks' time. We do not remember, and the data at hand do not show, whether any other regiment accompanied the 73d from Louisville to Covington or not. There certainly was no other regiment on the same train with our own. We found at Covington a number of regiments, mostly, if not all, new ones, and very recently recruited, and just arrived from their rendezvous camps. Among these was the 125th Illinois Volunteers, Colonel O. F. Harmon commanding. A large part of this regiment, and a smaller part of the 73d, were recruited in the same county.

While at Covington, nothing beyond the most temporary organization was accomplished or attempted, the necessity for the concentration of troops or war material at this point having passed away. We find this statement, however, in a diary from which we have already quoted. Under date of September 12th, it says: "We are to go into General Wallace's Division. Glad of that!"

Our experience about Covington was very similar to that at Louisville, both in respect to reports and rumors afloat and the nature of the duty done, though at the former place the duty was on a somewhat larger scale. On or before September 28th we had reached Louisville, returning to that point from Covington by way Cincinnati and Indianapolis. We may have reached Louisville as early as September 25th, or even a day

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or two earlier, but not later than the 28th. We arrived there at about the same time, within a day or two, of the date of the arrival of Buell's army, which was on the 26th. In Kyger's diary, under date of September 29th, we find this entry:

"General Jeff. C. Davis shot General Nelson at the Galt House this morning, at eight o'clock. The insult arose from General Nelson slapping General Davis in the face. Davis drew a pistol, and shot; the ball entered Nelson's breast, and he died in about twenty minutes. From the best information I can get, Davis was justified in shooting. The insult was too much to bear."

SHOOTING OF GENERAL NELSON BY GENERAL DAVIS.

After the arrival of Buell's army at Louisville, only a few days elapsed before the general forward movement was initiated. These days were spent in recuperation, and in the interchange of civilities between the soldiers, old and new. The reorganization of the army was also effected during this time. The new regiments were distributed among the old in the formation of brigades; three old regiments were deemed sufficient to keep the 73d straight, or "hold it level," as the saying goes. The 44th and 73d Illinois, and the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments constituted the 35th brigade of the army, or corps, as reorganized. This brigade was assigned to Sheridan's Division, the 11th in number.

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Preparatory to the movement about to be made, those soldiers who were sick or in any way incapacitated for the march, were sent to the surgeons for examination, and if found sufficiently disabled, they were sent to the hospitals for treatment. The 73d had been outside of Illinois and in the military service at this time but a trifle more than one month. The change of water, its scarcity and inferior quality, as well as the change in diet, the extreme heat and dryness, and the dust, all combined to deteriorate the health of the new troops. Yellow-jaundice and many other disorders prevailed to an almost alarming extent among them. The 73d was not an exception to the general rule, and fully one-tenth of the men were left behind when the regiment left Louisville, on the first day of October, 1862, and a number of these were discharged.

We have alluded to the fact of encountering David M. Haworth, of the 3d East Tennessee Regiment, in the street in Cincinnati. He remained with our regiment, in Company C, for quite three weeks, and accompanied us to Louisville. Late in September a member of Company C received a letter from Illinois, with another letter inclosed, addressed "David M. Haworth," simply. The Company C man was urged to take particular pains to find Haworth and deliver the letter to him, as he was missing, not having been heard from since the battle at Richmond. There is nothing unusual or strange about this, unless it be the fact that Haworth was sitting next the man and talking with him at the time the letter was received. The urgent request was easily and readily complied with, much to Haworth's gratification. There was no intimation in either letter that the writer had learned Haworth was with us.

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Soon after this, Haworth found opportunity of rejoining his command.

At Covington quite a number of our men were taken sick, and left in hospitals at Cincinnati when the regiment returned to Louisville. In the course of a week most of these men were forwarded to Louisville by boat, down the Ohio. Kyger was one of these.

From Kyger's diary we copy a portion of the entries for September 26th and 27th:

"Cincinnati. -- Reported to Captain Fletcher again at ten o'clock A. M. He sends me with thirty-seven men on the packet to Louisville, Kentucky. Started at twelve o'clock noon. Passed down the river very pleasantly. Boys all seemed well pleased. Had dinner and supper for the soldiers and cared for them in such a style as they said they had not been since they were in the service. Run on a sand-bar, about thirty-three miles below the city. Staid two hours. I had the soldiers spread down their blankets and pile down for the night.

"Ohio River, September 27, 1862. -- Morning cloudy; nearing Louisville; in sight of the water-works. Arrived at 8.30 o'clock A. M. with all my men. Reported them to Captain Ottis and then to Captain Holiday, at Barracks No. 1, in Louisville. Disposed of all my men satisfactorily; men all came forward to shake hands with me when parting, and gave me many thanks for the care I had taken of them. R. B. Drake, myself, and two others started for the 73d Regiment Illinois Volunteers. Found the city alive with soldiers. Arrived at camp east of town; found the boys at three o'clock P. M., and had a glorious meeting, such a one as I never had before. Met a number of the boys of the 25th, 35th, and 125th Illinois Regiments. Raining; slept in a Methodist church with Lieutenant Davies, Frank Cook, Will Frazier, Ed. Eakin, and J. Judd."

The same diary, under date of Sunday, September 28th, states: "Our regiment ordered out on picket duty; all gone that are able. "September 30th. -- Rumored attack by the rebels on the

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Bardstown Road, but rumor not generally believed. General Nelson was interred near the city to-day."

Kyger was again left behind when the regiment moved with the army on October 1st. He did not leave Louisville until October 10th. He caught up with the regiment one week later. Quite a number of the regiment, fully a hundred, perhaps more men, caught up with it at the same time, October 17th. We can not do better, perhaps, than to quote a few entries made by Kyger, in his diary, under dates from October 1st to 17th, inclusive. We give the more important and interesting items in a somewhat condensed shape. The entry for October 1, 1862, is:

"Morning clear and beautiful. Our regiment ordered to move, with almost all the troops about Louisville that are able to go. It is thought to be a general move after Bragg. Regiment left camp at nine o'clock A. M.

"Thursday, October 2d. -- During the day our pickets had a skirmish about eighteen miles out.

"Friday, October 3d. -- Found the boys left in camp all right. The rebels were attacked at Mount Washington to-day and driven; do not know whether we lost any men or not. Our forces are out twenty miles and moving on.

"Saturday, October 4th. -- Raining this morning; we send seven men to the regiment. There are one hundred and twenty-three men of the regiment left, unfit for duty.

"Tuesday, October 7th. -- Called up by Doctor Pond to see how many would do to go to the regiment; pretty nearly all able.

"Wednesday, October 8th. -- Morning bright and clear. Pressed a hog; had some for breakfast; do not object to such press -- from ‘secesh.’

"Friday, October 10th. -- At 2.15 o'clock P. M. we started for our regiment, one hundred and sixty strong. Marched out on Bardstown pike five miles; pitched two tents, and find ourselves very comfortable for the night.

"Sunday, October 12th. -- At Mount Washington, twenty-two miles from Louisville, we halted and pressed four teams to haul

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our feeble boys. We met quite a number of paroled prisoners passing on their way to Louisville. After we left Mount Washington, we passed several places where they say they have had skirmishes. At one place we plainly smelled the carnage. A farmer told me the rebels had left their dead unburied. We passed on to Coxe's Creek, and camped on the north bank, pitched our tent, and Stephen Newlin killed a hog. Our captain had ascertained that there was a ‘secesh’ farmer living a mile and three-fourths away. He took a squad of men and went back. The old woman told our boys that she would like it if they would all get killed. The captain bought the farmer's cow and gave a receipt on the United States for her, with a statement in same about what the old lady had said. When the old man came down next morning he declared himself all right and would not take the receipt. Our captain told him if he was right he had been wrongly accused, and he had better prove up his loyalty. We went off and left him.

"Monday, October 13th. -- We still keep meeting paroled prisoners, and prisoners confined, hauled in wagons in great numbers, who were captured at the battle of Perryville. Many wagon-loads of guns passed also. Stopped to camp forty miles from Louisville, in a widow woman's front lot. The woman has two sons in the rebel army. She made serious objection to our stopping, but to no effect. Major Presson (73d) came along at three o'clock P. M., going home wounded in the forearm at the battle of Perryville.

"Tuesday, October 14th. -- We captured a secesh; he was going to join Bragg's army. When he saw us coming he struck out on a leafy road. We sent a squad after him; run him about a mile and a half, caught him, and brought him up. He belonged to the 36th Mississippi, and, according to his admission, has been in the service since August 15th. He does not like the service. We take him down with us to our regiment.

"Wednesday, October 15th. -- Near night we passed Major Morgan, the rebel guerrilla's brother (a colonel in his brother's division); sharp fellow; says they are fighting for a dissolution of the Union and are going to have it. We halted for the night, after marching eighteen miles, on the bank of Doctor's Fork, one mile and a half from Chaplin's Hills battle-field, in the immediate vicinity of the point where the battle commenced. We passed one hundred and nine paroled Union prisoners, who had been left in the hospital at Cumberland Gap, when Morgan left.

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"Doctor's Fork, at east side of Washington County, Thursday, October 16, 1862. -- Morning foggy and cool. Started at 6.15 o'clock A. M.; marched on. Looked over the Perryville battlefield. The heavy skirmishing had commenced one mile and a half south-west. Saw signs of musket-shooting on the trees and fences along the road. Occasionally we saw where limbs had been taken off trees by cannon-balls. Looked as though the balls had been shot a long distance. Just as we passed over a hill we discovered trees which were just riddled with balls. Saw some graves. Passed on down a slope, and on rising a hill on the other side we saw plain signs of the battle; rebels buried alongside a stone fence. We passed on, and beheld the battle-field as it stretched out along the gentle slope to our left. The road we are on was the extreme right, and near where our 73d Regiment stood. The battle-field was about five miles long, and the heaviest fighting was near the extreme left.

"Friday, October 17th. -- Morning most beautiful. Started at six o'clock for Crab Orchard. Passed through Stanford, county-seat of Lincoln County, a small "secesh" place. Passed on through Walnut Flats, and arrived at Crab Orchard at five o'clock P. M., a distance of eighteen miles; good march for the day; stood it well. Met the boys at their camp one mile and a half from the place; found them very anxious to see us. Lieutenant Hawes was sick and Lieutenant Davies absent, sick. Never felt so glad to meet a crowd of boys; had a full description of the battle they had gone through before we slept.

"Saturday, October 18, 1862. -- A very pleasant morning. Visited the 125th Regiment; found Holloway's company down with the ‘blues,’ wanting to go home. Returned to the regiment ; dress parade at five o'clock."

Henry A. Castle, of Company G, has made a condensed statement covering the period of his service in the 73d, a portion of which we incorporate in this chapter, as follows:

"Before the 1st of September, 1862, we were hurried off, half organized and entirely unarmed, to Louisville, Kentucky. How deficient we were in organization, and even in the knowledge of elementary military rules, one little incident will testify. At Springfield, having shown some proficiency in making out muster-in

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rolls and consolidated returns, I was temporarily detailed as a clerk in the office of the regimental adjutant. On our hasty departure the adjutant remained behind. I, a private soldier, acted as adjutant for twenty days, signing all reports, countersigning all orders, and performing all his functions. No one, not even the twenty lieutenants eligible to promotion, questioned my right. At last a martinet brigade commander, who had spent a week carefully instructing me, was so chagrined when he accidentally learned he had wasted his teachings on a person but one grade in rank above an army mule, that he at once ordered our colonel to detail a pair of shoulder-straps to hold intercourse with him thereafter. This in turn so offended my own eminently civilian sense of dignity, that I promptly ‘resigned’ my clerkship, absolutely refused to tell Mr. First Lieutenant what to do in the office, and left him to flounder until the adjutant returned. At Louisville we were to meet Buell's army, and confront Bragg's, on their historic free-for-all race from the Tennessee River to the Ohio. Between that date, September 1st, and the 1st of January following, I went through all the experiences of inaction in camp, sickness in hospital, toilful marches through Kentucky and Tennessee to Nashville and Murfreesboro, battle, and wounds. It was the longest and hardest four months of my life, and yet I think upon the whole, the most enjoyable.

"Quickly armed and slightly drilled at Louisville, we were rushed out to cover General Nelson's disorderly retreat from Richmond, Kentucky; then hustled off to Cincinnati and Covington to help repel Kirby Smith's threatened raid; then, after a few days, whirled back to Louisville to form a part of Buell's force, soon mobilized into the Army of the Cumberland; then forward in pursuit of Bragg to Perryville and Crab Orchard, and thence to Bowling Green and Nashville, which we reached early in November. My premonitions as to sickness were speedily realized. I was left behind in Cincinnati, in a hospital, half delirious with the aches and burnings of incipient typhoid fever. This was happily averted, but not without two or three weeks of illness and convalescence, during which I sounded all the depths and shoals of hospital life in its worst phases; that is, far to the rear. For I found as a summing up of this and subsequent experiences elsewhere, that the sick and wounded received their best care in the battlefield and in its immediate vicinity, where discipline was strict, surgeons skillful, and battle-mate nurses tender; whereas north of the

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Ohio, where there was every facility for better treatment, what with drunken and brutal doctors, thieving ward-masters, and careless nurses, the situation could too often only be described in the muscular Saxon which the revised edition of the Scriptures has prematurely discarded.

"I wrestled with three Cincinnati hospitals, and was finally hoisted out to a convalescent camp thirty miles further north. Here the tedium and little villainies of the situation were seriously aggravated by the knowledge that my regiment was marching into Kentucky; that a battle was imminent; that there was danger of the Rebellion being put down before I had succeeded in shooting anybody, thus defeating the whole object of my enlistment, and leaving me an object for the other boys to point and peck at. Accordingly I availed myself of the first dark night to do a very reprehensible thing. With two or three comrades, I decamped; rode to Cincinnati tramp-wise on a freight-train, and to Louisville ditto on a steamboat; dodged the provost-guards of both cities, and several guerrilla bands on Kentucky turnpikes; performed feats of strategy enough to have made a large military reputation in a little affair like the Mexican War, and, after tribulations unutterable, overtook the army, alas! too late to help whip Bragg in the battle of Perryville, where our fellows had their baptism of fire, and where not to have been, was, for the ensuing two months, a reproach almost too bitter to be borne."

The tents furnished to the 73d were the Sibley tent -- the large cone-shaped tent, with tripod and center-pole. These tents were issued to the regiment while at Louisville. Wall-tents were provided for the use of the regimental and each company head-quarters, respectively. Camp and garrison equipage, including tents, camp-kettles, and mess-pans were issued a little before we drew our mule-teams and wagons. The latter were necessary to enable us to move with all stores and equipments. It seemed to be a question at first whether it was the business of the mules to haul what the soldiers could not carry, or the business of the soldiers to carry what the mules did not haul. The

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later experiences in the army, we think, proved that the soldier had the best "knack" of shifting his burden. The mule performed an herculean task, and accomplished much toward the suppression of the Rebellion. Of course, he had to be drilled and disciplined, be prodded, goaded, and persuaded; but he got in his work pretty well withal. He was the recipient of many lashes, and bore many stripes; and while the ways and means of his torture and maltreatment were various, he had only one mode of redress, and that often ineffectual. In his resort to this mode or method of redress no drill would have made him more perfect. He was an adept in that line, a skilled artist; superior almost, at least not inferior, to the muskets we carried. It was a very hard job, one that required much patience and perseverance, to hitch up and break six raw mules. The mule can hardly be said to have been a volunteer, except in the matter of kicking. He had to be drafted, "impressed," and "conscripted," to do service. The breaking of six mule-teams was equal almost to a minstrel show; attracted as much attention; provoked as much merriment, and imparted more knowledge. With a little help, an occasional lift, and push from the soldiers, the mule performed his part, which was by no means inconsiderable, in carrying on the war.

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Chapter III.

FORWARD MOVEMENT -- HARD MARCHING -- WATER SCARCE -- DUST ABUNDANT -- REBELS NUMEROUS -- BATTLE OF CHAPLIN HILLS -- CRAB ORCHARD -- MARCH TO DANVILLE, LEBANON, BOWLING GREEN, AND MITCHELLSVILLE -- CAMP AT NASHVILLE -- ON TO STONE RIVER.

DURING the month of September, 1862, the Confederate forces, under Bragg and Kirby Smith, roamed pretty much at will over Kentucky. At Richmond, Munfordville, and other points, smaller bodies of our troops had been whipped and "gobbled up" by them. The resources of the State were indiscriminately levied upon by the enemy; hogs, cattle, fowl, farm products, and manufactured articles were collected, appropriated, and carried off. When Bragg's immense train was heavily loaded, it was made the chief business of his army to guard it, bring it up to some point where its contents would be doled as daily bread to the hungry Confederates. The spectacle was here presented of men fighting for a cause, or country, for nothing, and boarding themselves. Strange as this may now seem, it was equally strange that the rebel hordes were allowed to pass beyond the limits of Kentucky with their booty. While traversing the State, the arms-bearing or neutral citizens were appealed to by Bragg to join his army. Women, old and young, were exhorted to influence their husbands, sons, and brothers to flock to the Confederate standard. The sequel shows

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that the husbands, sons, and brothers did not join or flock to any great extent. Kentucky was more "neutral" perhaps than was suspected by either party to the contest. On October 1, 1862, the Union army, under General Buell, was put in motion, and started in pursuit of Bragg's army, with the purpose, it would seem, of driving it from Kentucky, not of capturing or destroying it. The new regiments incorporated into Buell's army swelled its numbers to nearly one hundred thousand men. The 73d broke camp, and moved out with the brigade and division at nine o'clock the morning of October 1st. The brigade was commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Liabold, the division by Brigadier-general Philip H. Sheridan, and the corps by General C. C. Gilbert.

Delays were frequent during the first day's march. Our first stop was in the street, before leaving Louisville behind us. Getting under way finally, the halts were not more frequent perhaps than prudence would have dictated in the case of new troops not yet accustomed to "foot" traveling. Being on the right of the army, our column moved southward on the pike, bearing somewhat to the left, with Bardstown, the county-seat of Nelson County, as our first destination, that being the last known or supposed location of the main body of the "chaps" we were looking for. Two or three nights and days passed. The turnpike being very hard, notwithstanding the dust carpet an inch thick, the weather being warm, the water scarce and impure, made the march extremely wearisome. The result was fruitful of sore feet and aching limbs, and a unanimous verdict, that "Jordan am a hard road to travel." Other ailments still more disabling were produced, and the

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ambulances were in demand. Many guns and accouterments were piled on, or hanged on, the wagons in the train to relieve the limping and foot-sore soldiers, and just that much added to or imposed upon the invincible mules. Many of the men, however, were proof against the hardships of the march; came off well, and halted at night, professing an ability as well as a willingness to "jog along" for an hour longer. Straggling was in vogue too, though sought to be prohibited by orders. Straggling to the rear, as a rule, was of necessity, or involuntary; straggling to the front, or either side, was generally willful, and had for its motive forage, curiosity, or adventure. No matter how plentiful or good Uncle Sam's rations were, or how punctually issued, something "cabbaged" or foraged from a farm-house or a barn-yard was a little bit more palatable, and partaken of with greater zest and relish. Then, telling just how the "foraged" provisions were obtained; detailing the several steps and maneuvers made and the schemes and tricks resorted to in obtaining them, operated as an appetizer, and served as sauce while devouring the full-sized meal. The advance of the army overtaking or coming in contact with the rebel cavalry, and engaging and driving it, perhaps checked the straggling to the front, and foraging to some extent.

By October 6th we had marched some sixty-five or seventy miles, had left Bardstown some distance in our rear, and passed Springfield, and were pushing, not only the cavalry, but the main body of the enemy's infantry. According to some able critics on this campaign and its management, the enemy might or should have been pushed harder, "driven to the wall," or captured, thereby saving or preventing the battle at Murfreesboro.

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The need of more time on the part of the enemy in which to get his large supply-train out of the way, or well on the way, and the need or desire on the part of our army for better water and more of it, and perhaps, also, a desire to deal the enemy a blow more or less severe, may be reckoned among the causes, if not considered the real, immediate objects of the battle at Perryville. Whether a collision with the enemy, at Perryville or elsewhere, was a part of General Buell's plan or not, such collision was precipitated, and a battle there on October 8, 1862, was the result.

There were a few instances of insubordination in the regiment while on the march, just prior to the battle of Perryville. These we shall not particularize. In one case we have in mind, a non-commissioned officer was reduced to the ranks; in another case, a private was given to understand that his offense would be forgiven if he carried himself creditably through the expected battle. In the case we refer to the forgiveness was fully earned.

Early on the morning of October 8th, the indications of an engagement were unmistakable. Before the setting of the sun we were to undergo a new trial, be subjected to a new and a severe test. Feelings stole over us that can be better imagined than described. Some of our number would fall, lose their lives before the day's combat should close; others would be wounded and maimed, and compelled to suffer disabilities from that day on to the end of their lives. Who will fall? For whom, and for how many, will this day be the last of earth? Who will be maimed and wounded and have disabilities inflicted upon them? were questions which arose, and kept suggesting themselves in

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our minds. It was a solemn retrospect and review of all the past of our lives, and, if possible, a still more solemn forecast and taking of chances for the future.

We were away from the pike, off roads, and in line of battle early in the forenoon. We changed position -- moved forward, or to the right or left, as the movement of troops in our front, or to our right or left, necessitated. At about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments became hotly engaged, and in less than an hour, lost from forty to fifty men, mostly wounded. The 44th Illinois and our own regiment were lying in easy supporting distance while the fighting was going on. After this there was an advance and a change of position on the part of our brigade. In making this advance we passed to the right of the pike, and for a time occupied a position alongside a stone-fence. Later the 73d was, from some cause, advanced in line of battle -- and unsupported -- across an open field, and for a very brief time held a position near a rebel battery preparing to open fire. But little farther off were the rebel infantry. Had five minutes more elapsed before the hasty withdrawal of the regiment from this exposed position, the effect would have been disastrous; one new regiment would doubtless have been "gobbled up," and not withdrawn at all. The withdrawal of the regiment was not a moment too soon. The placing of the regiment in this advanced and exposed position was a grievous blunder; at least we have never heard, or heard of, any explanation or reasons that would justify or excuse the movement. While the regiment was being rapidly moved to its proper place in the line of battle, the enemy had completed his dispositions for an attack; this

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done, he waited not, but opened immediately with his artillery, which was effectively replied to by our batteries. The 73d was assigned a position in the front line to the right of the 44th, the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments being posted immediately to the rear as supports; the order of the forenoon, as to our brigade, being thus reversed. Between the right of the 44th and the left of the 73d, a section of battery was in position; and near at hand also was the 125th Illinois, ready to meet any emergency that might unexpectedly arise. An order was received by Colonel Jaquess, directing some change in the position of the 73d. The battle was fairly on, and this order being misconstrued -- at least not properly executed -- the regiment was mistakenly conducted several yards to the rear of the position intended for it to occupy. Under the circumstances, the two Missouri regiments interpreted the hasty move as evidence that the 73d was panic-stricken. The mistake was soon rectified; the 73d quickly found and filled its proper place, much to the surprise and gratification of the Missourians. We had been slightly engaged just before the mistake was made.

We became engaged at once, and actively so; the engagement continued with but slight, if any, abatement for nearly two hours. The losses sustained by the regiment in the battle of Perryville fell principally on the companies near the regimental colors -- Companies C, I, E, and H. The losses were one killed and ten wounded severely; of these, six died sooner or later. There were several slight wounds, "grazes," and "close calls." Of "scares," we probably had as many as any regiment ever had in an introductory

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engagement. For the names of the "killed," "wounded," and "died of wounds," consult the roster, in chapter i.

The day was nearing its close when the battle ended, and we rested for the night on the ground where we had fought our first battle. The conduct of the regiment in the battle was heartily applauded by the "old soldiers" of our brigade, especially by the Missourians. The field in our immediate front, and farther away, evidenced the fact that we inflicted on the enemy a heavier loss than we suffered. Prisoners captured in our front bore testimony to the same fact. "Aim low," "aim low;" "war means killing," were the precautions given by the colonel, and emphasized and insisted upon by the company commanders. Hence it was that with our "kicking" muskets, plenty of powder, one large ball, and three small buck-shot at each fire or discharge we did good execution.

At page 220 of Volume II, of "The American Conflict," we find the following description of that part of the battle of Perryville in which the 73d actively engaged:

"The charging rebels now struck the left flank of Gilbert's Corps, held by R. B. Mitchell and Sheridan, which had been for some little, time engaged along its front. The key of its position was held, and of course well held, by Brigadier-General Philip H. Sheridan, who had been engaged in the morning, but had driven the enemy hack out of sight, after a short but sharp contest, and had repulsed another assault on his front; advancing his line as his assailants retired, and then turning his guns upon the force which had just driven Rousseau's right. And now General Mitchell pushed forward the 31st Brigade, Colonel Carlin, on Sheridan's right, and charged at double quick, breaking, and driving the enemy into and through Perryville, to the protection of two batteries on the bluffs beyond, capturing fifteen heavily-laden ammunition wagons, two caissons with their horses, and a train-guard of one hundred and forty;

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retiring amid the rebel confusion to this side of the town, and thence opening fire with his battery as darkness came on......

"At six A. M. next day Gilbert's Corps advanced by order to assail the rebel front, while Crittenden struck hard on his left flank; but they found no enemy to dispute their progress. Bragg had decamped during the night, marching on Harrodsburg, where he was joined by Kirby Smith and Withers, retreating thence southward by Bryantsville to Camp Dick Robinson, near Danville. Bragg admits a total loss in this battle of not less than twenty-five hundred, including Brigadier-Generals Wood, Cleburne, and Brown, wounded; and claims to have driven us two miles, captured fifteen guns, four hundred prisoners, and inflicted a total loss of four thousand. Buell's report admits a loss on our part of four thousand three hundred and forty-eight -- nine hundred and sixteen killed, two thousand nine hundred and forty-three wounded, and four hundred and eighty-nine missing; but, as to guns, he concedes a loss of but ten, whereof all but two were left on the field, with more than one thousand of their wounded, by the rebels."

It seems that Bragg either got all the fighting he wanted, or was more intent on getting away with his plunder. Though lightly pressed, his haste was such that he left over one thousand of his sick at Harrodsburg; also twenty-five thousand barrels of pork

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and other supplies at different points. He slipped out of Kentucky by way of Cumberland Gap into East Tennessee, destroying on the way many valuable stores, owing to the roughness of mountain roads and the lack of transportation. He finally went into winter-quarters at Murfreesboro, no doubt expecting to be left alone for a longer time than he was so left.

The 73d moved early, on October 9th, with the brigade. We did not get entirely away from the battlefield for a day or two. Opportunity was afforded to view the field and to seek out the points where the fight raged the fiercest. At these points many of the rebel dead were still lying as they had fallen. Had they been disturbed or handled at all, they would probably have been buried. Some appalling sights, were looked upon. Many who beheld them never again improved a similar opportunity. This was enough in that line.

Missing sadly those of our number who had been taken from our ranks by the chances of battle, we followed on, filling the place assigned us in the line of march, until we reached Crab Orchard. While waiting at Crab Orchard a number of the regiment who had been left at Louisville and other points, came up. The entry in Captain Kyger's diary, under date of October 16th, discloses this fact: "Marched on through Danville, and camped three miles beyond. Met H. A. Castle, coming to conduct us to the regiment."

The stop here was not solely for the purpose of affording rest to the soldiers, but partly to await developments, and learn the direction we should take when we next broke camp.

The country about Crab Orchard was hilly and

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broken, and farther on, in the direction of Cumberland Gap, it was still more rough and mountainous. As it turned out, however, we proceeded no farther in that direction.

Sunday, October 19th, was the last day of our stop at Crab Orchard. The day was a pleasant one, and the regiment appeared on dress parade in the afternoon. The next morning was a bright one, with some frost. Marching orders were received early, and by seven o'clock we were ready to move, not knowing where we were going. Getting started, we marched quite sixteen miles, and camped on Clark's Creek. On the morning of October 21st we waited until all the troops and trains passed us. Being assigned to do duty as rearguard, we got under way at ten o'clock, traveled slowly, and reached Danville, the county-seat of Boyle County. Resumed the march, taking the pike leading south-west, to Lebanon, the county-seat of Marion County. We found it hard work to march sixteen miles as rear-guard. We went into camp at Rochester Springs, in Boyle County, at nine o'clock P. M. The train was nearly seven miles in length, when stretched out and moving along the pike. Many of our men straggled some distance in advance of the regiment. The numerous and sometimes tedious delays, occasioned by the snail-like movement of the train, were annoying, and exhausted the patience of some of the boys. On reaching Rochester Springs, we had marched one hundred and thirty-eight miles since leaving Louisville.

We marched twenty miles on Wednesday, October 22d. In the course of the day we left the pike, and marched across to the Rolling Fork of Salt River.

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Located a camp on the south bank of a beautiful stream, but had a scant supper, on account of the failure of train to come up. At this camp, which was seven miles from Lebanon, we remained until October 25th. On October 24th we had battalion drill, and drew our overcoats.

Started at 6.30, on the morning of October 25th, on the road to New Market, seven miles south-west of Lebanon, and nine miles from our starting-point. We arrived at New Market, and went into camp in the vicinity at three o'clock P. M. During the day we had passed through an unproductive country; the surface was hilly and rocky, covered with "jack-oak" timber and some chestnut. Rain fell during the afternoon, but changed to snow at night. The snow was quite three inches deep on the morning of Sunday, October 26th. Being much cooler, on account of the snow, it was found that by keeping a mess-pan well filled with live coals, sitting in a tent, much comfort could be obtained. The day was one of general discomfort; however, there was much work done by the officers, although it was Sunday. Lists were prepared in each company of the regiment, for roll-call purposes, and to make out morning reports from. One cause of disappointment was the failure to receive a mail since leaving Crab Orchard. At nine o'clock P. M., orders to be ready to march at six o'clock to-morrow morning were sent around. Rations were immediately drawn, preparatory to the march. The night was a cold one, and corn-stalks were brought into use, to afford us protection against the severity of the weather. On the morning of October 27th the ground was frozen to the depth of an inch. At six o'clock A. M. we marched out on the Lebanon and Glasgow

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turnpike, passing in a south-west direction, not very far from the Muldraugh Hills, a high range, which traverse this part of Kentucky. We soon passed into Taylor County, going through a hard-looking, deserted town, named Saloma. Our march was continued, and at night we camped in Green County, all very nearly tired out. Marched at six o'clock on the morning of the 28th, following the road leading to Glasgow Junction. We passed through a hilly and an unproductive region, and one town called Summerville. In the Green River bottom we came up with other troops, including the 21st, 25th, and 125th Illinois Regiments, and also General Sill's Division. By this date the opinion was pretty general that our destination was Nashville, Tennessee. When at New Market we were changed, or transferred, from the corps we had been in (Gilbert's 14th) to McCook's 20th Corps. Our brigade remained the same as before, however. We camped on bank of Barren River, the night of October 28th. Next morning we were up soon after three o'clock, having orders to march at five o'clock. On this date a heavy mail was received, the first for many days.

On the 29th we left camp at sunrise, marched twenty-two miles, the longest march made to date, and camped for the night within five miles of the Mammoth Cave. On this day's march, many of the men, including some line officers, were compelled to drop out and fall behind. Some of the boys who had been straggling in advance were overtaken.

We remained at the camp of October 29th until the morning of the 31st. This camp was the same as that occupied by Bragg's army, when advancing northward, making its raid. October 30th, our knapsacks and some

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other equipage came up from Louisville. Many of the men took the opportunity and risk of visiting the Mammoth Cave.

At night, orders were received requiring us to muster at 6.30 o'clock the next morning, and march at eight o'clock. This was the date of the assumption by General Rosecrans of the command of the Army of the Cumberland. While at this camp we were two miles from Glasgow Junction. On the morning of the 31st we mustered, in accordance with orders, but did not march until nine o'clock. We moved out on the road toward Bowling Green, our regiment in rear of brigade. We passed through a better farming country than we had for several days. The farms looked as though they had been well attended to before the war, but neglected later. Pools of nice, clear water were found in this part of Kentucky. Many of these pools, or basins, were of regular formation, the rock walls, in many cases, being artificially constructed. We marched seventeen miles the last day of October, and went into camp ten miles from Bowling Green.

We started on the march at eight o'clock, the morning of November 1, 1862, our 2d Brigade in front of division. We found the country improved in appearance as we neared Bowling Green. On our route no demonstrations of loyalty on the part of citizens were anywhere to be seen. We reached Bowling Green shortly after noon, crossed Big Barren River, went down on the Bowling Green side, and went into camp near the old rebel fortifications built the previous winter. Some signs of ingenuity were visible on examining these fortifications, but they were not regarded as being very strong. We had marched twelve miles to reach this

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camp, since leaving our last one, making two hundred and forty-five miles we had traveled since leaving Louisville.

November 2d and 3d, 1862, we remained in camp. Pay-rolls were made out, and the time was taken up in making and receiving calls on and from acquaintances in other regiments. Many who were sick and unable to march, were sent to the hospitals which had been established in Bowling Green. This town had nearly, if not quite, five thousand inhabitants in its better days. Frank Blue, who formerly lived in Georgetown, Illinois, and was acquainted with many members of Company C, was unexpectedly met at Bowling Green. Blue was serving as a member of General Rosecrans's detective force.

We marched at eight o'clock on the morning of November 4th. We moved out on the pike leading to Nashville, Tennessee. One mile from Bowling Green we came to Lost River, which, to all appearances, is an immense spring or body of water, which at this point bursts from its rocky, subterranean confines, bubbles forth, and springs to the surface and flows in a strong, visible current for fifty yards or more from where it rises, and then sinks away and is again lost to sight. Continuing our march, we passed through a country, first somewhat rough and barren, then becoming more level and productive. Good two-story farm-houses were occasionally to be seen, but no indications of loyalty to the Union were anywhere shown by the citizens. After marching fifteen miles, we went into camp at four o'clock P. M.

Early on this date, it being the date of the biennial or Congressional elections, the sense or political preferences of the men of our regiment were ascertained.

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The vote stood nearly ten to one in favor of the Union ticket. Here Colonel Schaefer assumed command of the brigade.

On the morning of November 5th we started on the march at 6.30 o'clock. We moved through a fine farming country, and many little Union flags were displayed in front of houses as we passed. We crossed the line between Kentucky and Tennessee at noon, and as we did so, the soldiers of the 73d raised the "yell" for old Tennessee. The last town in Kentucky that we passed through was Franklin, the county-seat of Simpson County, and the first town in Tennessee we marched through was Mitchellsville, a small town in Sumner County, four hundred yards, or a little more, south of the State line. After penetrating two miles into Tennessee, we came to a point where the woods were on fire, and fences and barns were being burned. The fire raged through the woods in a fearful manner, and just at this point we were almost suffocated with smoke and dust; two regiments of cavalry passed and kicked up the dust in great clouds, regardless of our comfort. It is supposed the fire was started by a squad of rebel cavalry in order to annoy and hinder our advance.

After completing the day's march of about seventeen miles, we went into camp near a small stream of water. We received confirmation of the truth of the report of the blowing up of a tunnel on the railroad, twenty-nine miles from Bowling Green, by Morgan's marauding band, on the night of November 3d. This portion of Tennessee was unattractive; the houses were nearly all old-fashioned, and built of logs, and in bad repair. The soil was thin and the timber a scrubby "jack-oak."

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At 6.30 A. M., November 6th, our march was resumed. We made good time, and passed through two or three small, almost deserted, towns; and some of the farm-houses were tenantless also. There were some apprehensions of an attack on our advance before the day should close. These arose from the credited reports of the day before, and proved ill-founded. In the afternoon we passed through another deserted town named Goodlettsville. Seven persons, white and colored, were all that could be seen in the village. Our men were very tired, but we passed on rapidly, and by nightfall we ended a twenty-three miles march, and camped within ten miles of Nashville.

Late in the day we saw a woman who had been placed under guard. As she marched along, she would exclaim, "Save my husband!" "Save my husband!" It was ascertained that this woman was the wife of a rebel spy, who belonged to Morgan's guerrillas. At the general head-quarters this woman pleaded, on her knees, for the safety of her husband, and claimed he was a Union man. Very likely.

Near Tyree Springs, General Woodruff's division was attacked by a small body of the enemy. The trouble was soon over; the rebels withdrew, after the killing of one of their number. Of our force only a few men were engaged, and no loss was suffered beyond that occasioned by slight wounds.

At nine A. M., November 7th, we moved out on the way to Nashville, but soon a halt was called to allow a section of a wagon-train to pass; then we moved on, the remainder of the train having been halted. This wagon-train was nearly two miles in length, and was on its way to Bowling Green to get rations, the railroad

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being out of repair, owing to the damages done to it by squads of raiding rebels. We arrived near Nashville at four P. M., and went into camp in a fine body of timber lying east of the Cumberland River. Snow fell during the day, but changed to drizzling rain. We learned that the enemy had made three attacks on the city since August. On Saturday, November 8th, some more work was done on the pay-rolls of the several companies of the regiment.

On Tuesday, November 11th, the city of Nashville was visited by a number of men of the regiment. Some returned to camp much disappointed in the appearance of the city. Nothing but the State-house seemed to meet the expectations which too highly colored and exaggerated descriptions had raised in the minds of the visitors. The State-house, however, compensated in part for deficiencies in other respects about the city. It is located on a prominent elevation, and constructed of magnificent gray limestone; has a large representatives' hall, a senate hall, and library-room, besides many offices and smaller rooms on two floors. It is visible from distant prominent points, and also affords a fine view of the city of Nashville and the surrounding country.

Wednesday, November 12th, an inspection of arms was had in our camp. The inspection was made by a captain of the 24th Wisconsin. Arms were not found in first-class condition; they were in better condition for service, perhaps, than they appeared to be. Next day the army was reviewed by General Rosecrans. This review afforded us an opportunity of seeing other general officers, including McCook, Sheridan, and Wood. Rosecrans informed us how to proceed in

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obtaining what might be needed in any line of supplies. He said: "First, bore your captains; and if they don't get you what you need, then bore your colonels; and if your colonels don't attend to it, then bore your generals, brigade and division commanders; and if they neglect you, why then come, and bore me, and I'll see to it at once."

After this inspection and review, nothing unusual occurred in the experience of the regiment until November 22d. The intervening time was spent in doing camp and picket duty, in drilling, and in drawing, cooking, and devouring rations. Sickness prevailed to some extent, and the regiment was represented in the hospitals. The domestic and social cares and duties incident to camp-living had to be looked after and attended to, which, with all the aforementioned duties, came near occupying the time. What time was left over unoccupied after all these other matters had received due attention, was spent in talking war and politics. Of course, none of the "Preacher Regiment" played cards.

On Saturday, November 22d, we received orders to move. Accordingly we broke camp at Edgefield, where we had been encamped since November 7th, and moved seven miles south-east of the city of Nashville, and located a camp in a splendid grove, near a large spring of good water. The new camp was named "Mill Creek." The camp was marked out, and tents and quarters put up and arranged with a view to our remaining several weeks.

On November 24th, Doctor A. M. C. Hawes, of Georgetown, Illinois, visited the regiment, to visit his son, sick in the hospital, being his special errand. The

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doctor, however, dealt out a good deal of medicine to ailing soldiers for whom he had done like work while they were yet citizens. Other citizens of Illinois also visited us on similar errands. About this time quite a number of resignations among the officers occurred, and an equal number of promotions. The roster, found in chapter i, shows these and all other similar changes that took place during the term of service of the regiment.

The night of November 27th, those of the regiment who were on picket had their first glimpse of rebel camp-fires, only three-fourths of a mile distant; the rebel pickets, as a matter of course, being posted still nearer, and visible by daylight.

November 30th, an examination of quarters and the camp was had, and both found in good order and condition. Early in December, the field and line officers of the regiment were subjected to a rigid examination by officers of higher authority and rank. Various rumors were set afloat as to the outcome of this examination. The crop of resignations may have been slightly augmented by it.

On Tuesday, December 2d, the companies of the regiment were drilled by officers of the 2d Missouri Regiment. We have authority for saying that we disliked the drill as we were put through it by these officers. These officers, probably, either disliked the duty they had been assigned to do, or were disposed to make use of their opportunity to "pop us through pretty lively."

December 3d, the regiment, or a portion of it, was again on picket. The bayonets of the rebels, glistening in the sunshine, could be distinctly seen from the point where we were posted. Seven shots were fired by the

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rebel pickets at Company A. The fire being returned promptly, the rebels withdrew to cover. None of our men were hurt.

December 7th, our arms were again inspected and found in better condition than before. Same day orders were received to have three days' rations in our haversacks and await further orders.

December 8th, we were fully expecting to start on a forward movement or to be attacked by the enemy. We were called up at five o'clock on the morning of December 9th, and required to put on our cartridge boxes, and keep them on until eight o'clock. We went on picket, however, at seven o'clock, at the same point where we had previously stood. We had instructions to keep a sharp lookout for the enemy.

At eleven o'clock we distinctly heard artillery firing to the north-west of our position in front of Davis's division, which continued about an hour. At fifteen minutes to one o'clock our pickets were fired on by the enemy's cavalry in many places along the line; and one piece of artillery was planted on the pike in our front, which threw two shells in our direction. We were ordered to form line of battle; we did so, and remained in position about fifteen minutes, until ordered to retreat or take shelter in the edge of a heavy timber lying westward from our first position. A dash by the rebel cavalry was expected. We formed in line of battle in the edge of the woods, but were soon ordered to a point nearer camp, where we formed the third time. At 3.30 o'clock we formed in line of battle the fourth and last time for the day, in a position which had been selected by our colonel and pronounced by the general to be a good one. At five o'clock we

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resumed our position of the morning, and held it until relieved at nine o'clock on the morning of December 10th. On the 10th the same sort of demonstrations were made as on the previous day.

On the 11th we were under orders to be ready to meet the enemy on short notice. All quiet, however, during the day; no attack was made, and it was thought the enemy showed sign's of falling back. On the 12th our forage-train went out four miles to the front; those in charge of it, on returning to camp, reported that the rebels had retreated. The report was undoubtedly correct, or the train would not have returned without an engagement or "set to" of some kind, between the train-guard and the enemy.

December 12th was a notable and historic day in the experience of our regiment. Disgust, evident and unconcealed disgust, was created all through the ranks that day, by the issuing from the regimental quartermaster's department of the "shelter-tent," or "dog-tent," or "purp-tent." Well, the estimation in which the "dog-tent" was first held by our soldiers was such that, if it changed at all, it would modify and soften, and become less severe in kind. Poverty and meagerness of language was about reached or discovered, when the boys quit making drafts upon it to find words with which to express their contempt for the little "dog-tent."

On December 10th, Major Presson, who had been wounded at Perryville, arrived in camp. On the 12th, we had battalion-drill, conducted by the major. In the matter of drill, the regiment seemed to awaken and take on new life under the skillful handling which the major was able to give it. Another good thing the major did, soon after his return, was the establishment

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of a school of instruction for the commissioned officers of the regiment. This school, though continued but a short time, resulted in permanent good. From December 12th to 24th, the daily life and experience of the regiment was but a repetition of that gone through before that time at Camp Mill Creek.

From a paper, entitled "The Experiences of an Enlisted Man," prepared by Henry A. Castle, who became sergeant-major of the 73d, and served as such until he was wounded and disabled in the battle of Stone River, we copy that portion which relates to matters pertaining to the regiment, while it was near Nashville, not already treated upon :

"We reached Nashville early in November, relieving the beleaguered garrison under Negley and Palmer, and within a few days the Army of the Cumberland, now commanded by General Rosecrans, was concentrated in and around that city. Nashville was amply protected by frowning fortifications on the surrounding heights. Her beautiful white marble capitol, on so lofty an eminence that sometimes, seen from a distance, it seemed to swing in the clouds, was a sight ever to be remembered. We were finally encamped south of the city, and for the first time in our

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experience, really settled down to habitual camp routine, devoting six weeks to the long-deferred requisites of organization, drill, and discipline. All the lights and shadows of camp-life there passed over us. Our veterans of one long campaign and one bloody battle were yet raw recruits in most that pertained to military life. They had much to learn, and more to suffer. They got up the harmless, necessary mutiny against shelter-tents and spoiled meats. Many of them had the small-pox, and a considerable majority of them had the measles -- the latter epidemic causing more deaths and disabilities than battle, march, and dysentery combined had been able to effect.

"Drills, almost incessant; grand guard duty at least bi-weekly; scouting, foraging raids, and sporadic expeditions, no whither that any fellow could find out, -- left little time for rusting or resting, but soon made soldiers of the farmer-boys, clerks, and students. We became hardened, roughened, and toughened physically. As winter approached, as the hardships increased, and our comforts disappeared, a squad of us would refer frequently to our luxurious entry into the service. We had spent the night before enlisting at the Chenery House, the leading hotel at Springfield. We, at the time, thought the transition sudden, from the hair-mattresses of the hotel to the bare plank of a floored tent at Camp Butler. But now, alas! even a dry plank, or a tent larger than a chickencoop, was a dimly recollected luxury. Mud and snow, occasionally qualified by a rubber-blanket and a few pine-boughs, formed our nightly couch, and the weeping, cloud-curtained heavens our most familiar canopy."

The paper we have quoted from was read before the Minnesota Commandery of the Loyal Legion in February, 1887, by Comrade Castle. Farther along in this history we shall take occasion to draw upon this paper for additional facts and descriptions. The losses accruing to the regiment, from disability and death, resulting from the diseases which prevailed during its stay at Mill Creek, will sufficiently appear on examining the roster, found in chapter i.

At four o'clock A. M., December 24, 1862, we received orders to pack up and be ready to march at a

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moment's warning. The order was complied with at an early hour. The wagons were loaded with such camp equipage and other stores as could be dispensed with on the march. This done, there was enough left for the soldiers to carry. In case of an attack by either army, the train, accompanied by the invalids, was to go nearer the city. At eleven o'clock we were called into line of battle, forming about one hundred yards from our old camp. We remained in line until near three o'clock P. M., and were then marched back to camp to spend the night -- Christmas eve. The camp-fires were numerous, and they burned brightly. Much talk was indulged in, and the changed conditions and surroundings, as well as the changed prospects, of this Christmas for us, from those of the last one, were fully dwelt upon.

We were up early on Christmas morning, and received orders to pitch tents. In obeying this order, more care was taken than would have been had we known it was only for one day and night that we did so.

On the morning of December 26th, at five o'clock, we received orders to march at seven o'clock. We moved out at eight o'clock, the 73d in rear of the brigade. Nearly all the forces in front of Nashville participated in this forward movement. We moved on the pike, in the direction of Nolensville. At ten o'clock rain began falling, and later increased to the full proportions of a general shower. We marched on, apparently indifferent, but not really so, to the storm. As we could distinctly hear the artillery firing to our front, there was something not very far away which served to divert our attention from the rain and the discomforts of the toilsome march. Shortly after noon

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we came to the camp very lately occupied by a considerable force of the enemy.

The vigorous shelling of the woods, and other demonstrations by our troops, had induced the withdrawal of this force. We arrived at Nolensville in the afternoon, and passed one mile beyond, and went into camp for the night. Marching on quick time through the rain and mud, made us all very weary. Our camp was on a part of the ground which had been skirmished over early in the day. It was here that we had our first experience in using the "purp-tents." The weather was such that the seeming inadequate shelter which they afforded was very acceptable, and not deemed so utterly inadequate after all; at least, a few of the boys who had thrown away or refused to carry a half tent, very much regretted, and also repented, their hasty action. Even a "dog-tent" should be given at least one fair trial before being unceremoniously condemned, cast aside, and spit upon. Owing to the rain, much ditching, just at the inner edges of the tents, had to be done in order to prevent overflow by water of the sod or dirt floor of the tent. One spade or shovel had to do duty for several tents, the number of tents greatly exceeding the number of tools at hand for ditching purposes. Picks and axes were made to do service a little out of their line on this occasion. During the day our cavalry captured one piece of artillery and three prisoners, our loss being one man killed and three wounded. The enemy's loss not ascertained, further than above mentioned.

The morning of December 27th found us enveloped in fog. The weather and the condition of the ground was deemed very unfavorable for the work we had in hand;

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but we were committed to the job, and had to take things as they came. Perhaps the enemy had some disadvantages to contend with, too.

"Shelling of the woods" in our advance began promptly at 7.30 o'clock. At ten o'clock the 73d moved forward and took position in the rear of the brigade. An hour later we moved still farther to the front, reaching the place where the rebel pickets had been posted the preceding night. This was also the place where the artillery firing of the early morning began.

Our next move was to a point one-half mile to the front. While on the way to this position we saw one of our cavalrymen who had been killed in the morning; also a few rebel prisoners. After waiting an hour, we moved one-half mile, and formed in line of battle to the right of the road leading to Triune, two miles distant. Directly after forming in line, rain began falling rapidly, but our artillery still kept on firing and moving forward as the rebels retreated. Some twenty minutes after taking position, the 73d was ordered to move through a corn-field and halt in line, on the left of the brigade. While executing this movement, rain fell in torrents, and the mud was not less than four inches in depth. Nothing but the date or the time of year suggested the idea of a holiday excursion. But regardless of our discomfort and the many impediments to our moving in line of battle, we pushed on, expecting soon to become engaged, as our skirmishers were busy only a short distance in advance. On moving from the last position, we passed through a fine woods-pasture, and on through another corn-field. We remained in the latter place but a short time before receiving orders to

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march back to the woods-pasture and go into camp. By night-fall the rain had ceased and the clouds had disappeared. The cannonading also discontinued at about the same time. Our brigade commander, Colonel Schaefer, in giving directions for our last movement for the day, said: "Go back to the bush, and camp." Those of us who had shelter tents, stretched them, built fires in front, and made other preparations for comfort, not neglecting coffee and other rations. The last sounds arising from the contention between the hostile forces for the day were those produced by volleys of musketry on the skirmish line.

The weather, on the morning of December 28th, was clear and frosty. It being Sunday, respect was had to the order of President Lincoln not to make a forward movement on that day. We accordingly remained quietly in camp until Monday, the 29th. One report current through our camp on Sunday was, that there were ten thousand rebels waiting at Triune to give us battle as soon as we again moved forward.

The first report on Monday was to the effect that the enemy had evacuated Triune. This report being fully verified, we moved out at nine o'clock, taking another road leading to the Murfreesboro pike, said to be some thirteen miles distant. Our movement was necessarily a slow one, as our trains were heavy and the roads muddy. We passed over a nice rolling country during the forenoon; then we came to a high ridge or eminence, from which we could look out over a valley extending toward Murfreesboro. This valley was covered with cedar-trees, and on either side were towering hills, which seemed to constitute a range, having the appearance of distant mountains. We

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passed down into this valley, and found it uninhabited. Huts built of cedar logs, for use of lumbermen, could be seen at intervals on the march. We did not reach the opposite side of the valley until after dark. The roads being rough, muddy, and slippery, made the march extremely difficult and wearisome. The artillery-men found much work and trouble in getting their batteries through. Near seven o'clock we turned aside, and went into camp in a corn-field, within five miles of Murfreesboro. Our camp was to the left of the pike. We were greatly fatigued on halting for the night, and were, if possible, still more disappointed when instructions not to allow the kindling of fires were sent around. We were obliged to allow water, crackers, and raw meat suffice for our suppers. The ground being soft and damp, the abundant corn-stalks were found very useful in preparing for the night's rest. After making all preparations possible, we retired for the night, fully expecting to be awakened early in the morning by the roar of the enemy's cannon. Before morning, rain fell, slightly wetting our blankets, and causing us to feel a disagreeable chilliness. A short time before halting at our resting-place of December 29th, we passed the point where there had been a sharp cavalry skirmish during the day, in which thirty of our men were killed and wounded. The rebels were driven back with considerable loss; but as they carried their dead off the field, the extent of their loss was not ascertained, but it was thought to be at least equal to our own. This fight may be said to be the first, or part of the first, that took place before Murfreesboro proper, as the result of it was the driving in

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of the enemy's cavalry pickets, which were strongly supported by a reserve force.

The weather being very cool on the morning of December 30th, and our blankets and clothing being damp, we were allowed to start fires that we might warm ourselves and make coffee, and treat ourselves to a "half-way" decent breakfast, not expecting to be permitted to partake of another uninterrupted meal that day. It was thought our next move would carry us on to the battle-field, as the enemy was strongly posted only one mile and a half away. At 8.30 cannonading commenced, and at 9.15 we moved forward fully one mile, reaching a heavy woods, where the battle for the day on our front commenced. The rebels were posted in these woods, and made an obstinate resistance to our advance skirmishers. Our artillerymen sent shells and shot shrieking and tearing in the direction of the enemy. Our skirmishers kept advancing from tree to tree, the rebels being compelled to give way. Our brigade formed the first line of battle in these woods at eleven o'clock A. M., with another brigade in our front, which did the skirmishing, and kept slowly moving on and pressing the enemy back. At this stage of the proceedings a drizzling rain set in. "Trust in God, and keep your powder dry," was suggested by somebody as the proper thing to do under the circumstances. It certainly was not improper for the "Preacher Regiment" to observe the first part of this injunction, though the latter part was perhaps more faithfully heeded.

At 2.45 P. M. we were ordered to take position immediately in rear of our batteries and facing in a southeast

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direction. By three P. M. the musketry firing to our right and front grew more constant and steady. The battery we supported threw shells at the enemy in front of Jeff. C. Davis's division, which was heavily engaged. At one time Davis was compelled to fall back to get ammunition; but as soon as supplied, his division recovered the lost ground, driving the enemy before it, and inflicting a severe loss by so doing, but probably not much greater than it suffered. The 25th Illinois, three companies of which were from Vermilion County, was in Davis's division, and engaged in the hottest of this fight, getting several men of the three companies, A, B, and D, wounded, but none killed.

Here James Frazier, of Company A, of the 25th, was in the advance, and was ordered by Lieutenant West to fall back from his advanced and exposed position; but instead of stopping at the proper place, Frazier told one of the boys he was going back after his overcoat. He went on to the rear, and got in company with a soldier who was slightly wounded; and finding a blind horse, they both mounted him and "disadvanced" on Nashville. We mention this incident, for a twofold purpose: first, for the reason that it is recorded in the diary, upon which we are relying for data in preparing this portion of this history; it being so recorded evidences the completeness and reliability of the diary itself, also the particularity and attention to details with which it was kept, day after day. Second, there were numerous similar cases to the one mentioned. Not all of those soldiers who, during the battles of Stone River, betook themselves to the rear were cowards or "panic-stricken." Many of them, as in the case cited, were no doubt doing duty a little out of line, and recklessly, and not

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being thoroughly disciplined, or permitted to act somewhat independently, were offended and concluded to allow the battle to go on without their co-operation if not allowed to co-operate in their own way, "you know." We wish it understood now that the writer did not see Nashville until April, 1864, after having once left there with his regiment on the movement to Murfreesboro.

At 4.15 P. M. our brigade moved to the right across a corn-field, forming in a narrow strip of timber, and fronting the east, to the left and rear of Davis's division. We left the battery we had been supporting; but it kept on firing until after dark. At 6.30 we had orders to make one small fire to each company. Even this was quite a favor, as a north wind prevailed, accompanied by rain, and we were all cold and becoming more so. Our supply of rations was very scant, averaging not more than two "hard-tack" to the haversack. Some of the officers and men had picked up some Confederate potatoes, which helped a little toward patching up a bit of a supper. There was some parching of corn that night, too.

We did not become actively or actually engaged on December 30th; but we were under fire at different times and places, and kept in a state of suspense and expectation of being called upon to do or undertake something desperate, or at least something we had never done before. It was evident our experience at Stone River was to be entirely dissimilar to that we had undergone at Perryville, where we had little else to do but load our pieces, and "whack and bang away" at the enemy. Several of the division teams and wagons of Sheridan's train had been captured

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during the day, among them two or three which contained blankets and other useful articles belonging to the 73d. The loss of these fell mostly on the officers; but the failure to draw rations, also due to the capture of a part of our train, entailed a loss on the men as well as on the officers.

On Wednesday morning, December 31st, the weather was quite cool and the sky partially clouded. At dawn our brigade was ordered to change position. We moved immediately, and took position in an open field to the left and front of the position we had just left. We formed in line of battle fronting the east, the 44th Illinois being in our front. By this time the battle was on; heavy firing, both artillery and musketry, was going on to our right. An order from General Rosecrans was read to us by the acting adjutant, in which the soldiers were exhorted to stand firmly during the day. The results of yesterday's battle had been all the commanding general could wish; the men had conducted themselves bravely, and done good execution. The country was watching us and expecting us to do our whole duty.

Major Presson addressed us in a few apt and well-chosen words, cautioning us to keep cool, take deliberate aim, and fire low, and adopt the motto, "Murfreesboro or die." The major's speech was abbreviated somewhat by the apparent urgent necessity for action on our part. Just at this point we could see many wounded men coming from our right front, making their way to our rear. Some of them were limping, having been wounded in the lower extremities; others who were wounded in the hand, wrist, arm, or shoulder could get off with greater rapidity, if not with greater ease or

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comfort; while still others, more seriously wounded, were borne on stretchers to a place of supposed safety.

On the abrupt conclusion of our major's speech, Captain Bazell, of the 2d Missouri, arrived, and by order of Colonel Schaefer, took command of the right wing of the 73d. This was, perhaps, deemed necessary, as the regiment was yet quite large, and our colonel and adjutant were both absent. It was certain, however, that the regiment was comparatively new, and inexperienced in making movements and military evolutions while under fire.

The two wings of the 73d were separated, the right wing forming in line of battle some two hundred yards to the right lying flatly on the ground in rear of the 44th Illinois; the latter getting an opportunity to fire a few rounds at the enemy, which privilege was denied us. The left wing of the regiment had fallen back and taken position so as to be able to assist in defending a battery in an expected contingency.

On the extreme right of our army General Johnson's division held position in line. Next, to the left, was Davis's division; then came our (Sheridan's) division, posted to the left of Davis, and holding the left of the line of McCook's corps. Johnson allowed himself and his troops to be thoroughly surprised very early in the day, losing his artillery, while the unharnessed horses were being watered a little to the rear. Many of his men were captured, among them General Willich, one of his brigade commanders. His division fled precipitately, compelled to do so under the circumstances, making little if any resistance to the advancing Confederates. This state of affairs permitted the rebel assault to strike Davis's division with increased impetuosity and violence.

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Davis, having had some warning of what might be expected, was ready to offer a stubborn resistance to the enemy; but was unable to hold him in check, notwithstanding the fact that portions of Johnson's division had rallied and were beginning to "show fight." Being struck on its right flank, and thus exposed to a destructive enfilading fire, Davis's division was compelled, in turn, to fall back, but in less disorder than Johnson's. The rebels followed closely, in regular order, in two or more lines of battle, greatly encouraged, and apparently flushed with the prospect of perpetrating a Western "Bull Run." Had Johnson been as wary and considerate as Sheridan, we might have been spared the disaster which our right wing suffered at Stone River.

From a paper prepared by Henry A. Castle, from which we have already quoted, we quote again as follows:

"We were warned to be ready for battle at day-break on Wednesday morning. An hour before this time, General Sheridan, on foot and alone, went the whole length of our division line, visited each regimental commander, saw personally that the men were aroused and under arms, posted his artillery, and made everything ready well in advance of the time named in his orders. Nearly an hour after day-break the attack came on Johnson's division, a few hundred yards to our right. Driven by the overwhelming force of the onset, Johnson, and then Davis, fell back, throwing the augmented weight of the enemy on Sheridan, who was now relied on to check him until new dispositions could be

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made, or the disaster retrieved. Sheridan held his ground until flanked and pounded out of it, then stubbornly retreated across an open cotton-field where he left one-third of his men, killed and wounded, and two of his brigade commanders."

We have noted the fact that the two wings of our regiment were separated, the left wing going back to help support a battery. Just when the two wings were reunited we are not able to determine; but they were not apart a very great while. The right wing was lying in readiness for action in rear of the 44th Illinois, as already stated. The 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments were driven back from a battery they were supporting, but very soon rallied, retook the battery, and hauled it away by hand, the horses having all been shot. Then we were all ordered to fall back, which we did, and formed in line of battle in the woods in which we had been posted the day before. We remained in this position but a few minutes before receiving orders to fall back to the pike. We executed this movement under a heavy fire, and Captain Alsop, of Company F, was killed, and many others of the regiment wounded. We crossed a high rail-fence -- however, it was not so high after we crossed it -- and soon after formed in line of battle in the edge of a thick cedar woods. This brings us up to 8.30 o'clock A. M. only in the day, so rapidly were events transpiring. Here we plainly saw rebel flags and two lines of battle, with bayonets fixed advancing rapidly, with the "rebel yell" accompaniment. We here improved an opportunity by delivering an oblique and terribly effective fire on the charging enemy. Many of the rebels were killed and wounded, the remainder turned and ran; but our fire did not slacken until they passed

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beyond the range of our guns. Before we were aware of it, the other three regiments of our brigade got away from us, and there were some apprehensions as to the safety of our position, although we had just aided in repelling a charge in our front. It is quite probable the two wings of the 73d had joined before this point

was reached. Some time elapsed before we found the brigade. In falling back, we found the cedar woods so thick, and so filled with rock and caverns and fallen trees, that it was almost impossible to get through it. The ominous sounds of the fiercely waged battle seemed to come to us from all sides, so that we endeavored to preserve the semblance of a line, while making our difficult

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retreat through the jungle. The roar and din of the conflict seeming to increase or to draw nearer, we formed line of battle in the midst of the cedar thicket some three hundred yards from and facing the position we last held. This was at nine o'clock A. M.

We remained in this position but a short time; but while waiting, we witnessed the skirmishers in our front taking shelter which the numerous trees afforded; they fell back slowly, firing at the rebels as they would discover themselves, and advance from similar shelter. We were ordered to "about face" and march on through to the east side of the thicket, where we re-formed or corrected our line, and immediately opened fire on the enemy, posted some two hundred and fifty yards distant, sheltered behind fences and the ruins of a large brick house. It was now a quarter to ten o'clock. Comrade Castle's "paper" describes the events occurring since 8.30 o'clock in the following language:

"When we reached the dense cedar thicket our regiment formed at its edge, behind a mass of logs and stumps, under orders from General Rousseau, who came along raving with excitement, or drink, detached us from Sheridan's command without the latter's knowledge, placed us in an exposed but really effective position, and went off, leaving us to our fate. Here we repulsed several desperate charges by the triumphant rebel hosts, remaining until again flanked and nearly captured, when we fell back slowly through the thick cedars, without orders, purpose, or a ray of knowledge as to what was transpiring outside the limits of our short line of sight. Under us the surface was piled with rocks and rent with caverns; above us the thick, green foliage intercepted the sunlight. Around us, at every point of the compass seemingly, the roar of battle was deafening, at an unseen though not great distance; while nearer, as far as we could see, the woods were filled with disorganized masses of troops, flying they knew not whence or whither, but utterly panic-stricken and uncontrollable. Our regiment kept well in line, as it fell slowly back, but

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all around us, and often breaking through us, was a yelling mob; officers weeping or swearing, soldiers demoralized and shivering. If there was anything more disgraceful at Bull Run than the scenes I witnessed in those cedars, I have not seen it described; and yet, half an hour later, on emerging into the open field and the sunshine, these same men gathered together and fell into the ranks as promptly, and fought through the remainder of the battle and the remainder of the war so heroically, that this little episode, even to the few who ever heard of it, was but a fly-speck upon the record of their achievements. When we had nearly passed through these cedar woods we were found by an aide, sent by Sheridan, who had finally missed us, marched us to our assigned place in the reorganized and impregnable line of battle, where we resumed our bloody work under more favorable auspices. It was now only ten o'clock in the forenoon, so rapidly had events proceeded."

Probably the other regiments of our brigade paid no attention to Rousseau, which may explain how it was that the 73d "got left." At ten o'clock, or a little earlier, John Dye and James H. Yoho, of Company C, were killed. These and other casualties to the regiment occurred by ten o'clock, and before we left the last position held, on taking another along the railroad. Immediately after suffering the losses mentioned, we received orders to fall back, as the rebels were making a flank movement and coming on us in such strong force that it was thought useless to attempt longer resistance from that point. Our new position gave us the advantage in ground, and the protection of a ditch and an embankment formed by the construction of the railroad. We soon discovered the appearance of the enemy in the edge of the woods we had just left. They directed a heavy fire on our position, but their shots being too high, did little damage. At eleven o'clock we were posted in rear of a battery which was vigorously throwing shell into the woods to our front. While in this position we remained inactive,

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and became somewhat rested from our weariness, the effect of physical exertions. Before this time many of the regiment had "given out," become exhausted, and were left to take their own time and chances for recuperation. In two or three cases not much rest was found for the "tired" men until they reached Nashville.

Our next move was along the railroad toward Murfreesboro, to a position similar to one we had previously held. As we were going into position, Major Presson was struck by a ball or piece of shell, and knocked off his horse. He came into the ditch with us, but soon becoming sick was compelled to go to the hospital. We remained in this position until near one o'clock, firing steadily from the top of the embankment, which was considerably higher than our heads, stepping up to fire, then falling back to load. While here we discovered a column of men coming up the railroad from the direction of Murfreesboro. Apparently they were dressed in our uniform and moving on us. They did not fire, but getting nearer we could distinguish the Confederate flag. We then took a position away from the railroad, in a cotton-field, and lay down to wait the arrival of the Confederates within easy range of our pieces. They came steadily forward, until their heads began to show above the embankment; then we fired. We kept on firing for the space of ten minutes' time, when the enemy fell back, leaving several of their number dead in the ditch. In this part of the day's work the 73d lost one man killed and two wounded.

Our ammunition becoming nearly exhausted, we were moved to another position to the rear, in the skirts of a woods. This move was made at 1.30 o'clock. Our

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stay in this position was brief, owing to the danger we were exposed to without being able to inflict any damage in return. Grape, solid shot, shell, and spent musket-balls seemed to be not only hunting for us, but actually finding us. A fragment of shell struck John J. Halsted, of Company C, on the back of the head, inflicting a painful but not mortal wound. Colonel Schaefer, our brigade commander, was killed, the ball passing in at the lower part of the right ear and coming out at the left ear. We very much regretted his loss, as we had confidence in his skill and generalship. Lieutenant-Colonel Laibold, of the 2d Missouri, succeeded Schaefer as brigade commander.

After refilling our cartridge-boxes, we lay down flatly in the new position, some two hundred yards to the rear of our last one, which had proven so untenable. At about two o'clock there was a lull in the fight; both sides ceased firing for nearly a half hour. Then an artillery duel began, and continued until dark. Deadly missiles kept dropping among our men. Of the brigade, three men were killed and six wounded. At this point General Rosecrans came along. He halted and addressed to us a few words, combining caution, advice, and encouragement, in what he had to say, about as follows:

"Too much ammunition has been wasted during the day. Hereafter I want you to wait until you can see the whites of their eyes; then take good aim; aim low; shin them. One wounded man is worth three dead men. Do this, and nearly every load will tell. Make a bayonet charge every chance you have, for the rebels won't stand the cold steel. In ninety-nine cases out of a hundred the party that makes a bayonet charge is successful."

The commanding general was, to all appearances, as cool and composed as though the battle was not going on.

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During the twilight hour we drew one cracker to the man. We had but little to eat during the day, and part of that little was picked up off the ground where left by some wounded man or panic-stricken individual. The haversacks of the dead, in some instances, contributed to the scant supply. By -the time darkness had fully settled over us all firing had ceased, and there was a perfect calm, except as broken by cheering over the arrival or supposed arrival of re-enforcements.

At eight o'clock P. M. we moved out to the pike, three-fourths of a mile distant, to a point where we could have fires and draw rations; the position we left being occupied by troops that had done little or suffered little during the day, and could, better than we, pass the night without fires and coffee. At 8.45 o'clock P. M. we were at our new position, sitting around nice, bright fires, anxiously awaiting the arrival of the brigade teams, which should bring rations. At the same time great rejoicing and much cheering was indulged in on account of the continued marching of troops along the pike. The "moral effect" of heavy re-enforcements arriving from Nashville must certainly have been produced on both armies before Murfreesboro that night. Whether any re-enforcements really arrived from Nashville, is a question we can not determine authoritatively. At eleven o'clock P. M. the expected rations arrived, and by the time the old year was finally departing, we welcomed in the new year by partaking heartily of a full meal. We very much enjoyed our rations of crackers, side-meat, and coffee. The meat we broiled by holding it with a stick over the hot coals; and our coffee was partaken of without sugar. The losses of the regiment during the day, as

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ascertained up to midnight, were twenty killed, fifty wounded, and thirty missing.

General Rosecrans passed twice during the night, for the purpose of inspecting the lines. He reported that the position of his army, for defensive purposes, was better than that held by it on the previous morning. During a fraction of the night we sat around our fires, sleeping as best we could, leaning on our hands, our elbows resting on our knees. We did not oversleep ourselves, but the little rest we got was very helpful and advantageous, as during the day the resources of our strength had been heavily drawn upon and needed replenishing.

With but few exceptions, we have followed the fortunes of the 73d in all that is here recorded concerning the battle of Stone River. It may be well to devote some space to events which transpired beyond, but still not far from our own sphere of operations.

In the "American Conflict," Vol. II, page 274, we find this passage, summing up the work of December 31, 1862, as accomplished by Sheridan's division. The passage occurs immediately after two similar ones treating of the work, or misfortunes rather, of Johnson's and Davis's divisions respectively, and reads thus:

"Sheridan's division fought longer and better; but of his brigade commanders, General J. W. Sill was killed early in the day, while leading a successful charge, and Colonels Roberts and Schaefer at later periods -- each falling at the head of his brigade while charging or being charged. This division fought well throughout, but was pushed back, nearly or quite to the Nashville turnpike, with the loss of Houghtaling's and a section of Bush's battery."

In more than one account of the operations preliminary to and including Stone River, that battle is treated, not as one, but as several battles, extending, from first

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to last, over a full week. Beginning with December 28th, almost every foot of ground as we advanced was contested by the enemy.

Each of the commanding generals had given orders to attack the other December 31st, early in the morning. "Breakfast at daylight and attack at seven o'clock," it is said, were the orders of Rosecrans; while Bragg's orders, according to the same authority, were "Breakfast in the dark, and attack at daylight." Both orders, literally construed and executed, permitted breakfast to the Confederate army, while the Federal should do without. The attack was made according to Bragg's order, and struck Kirk's brigade of Johnson's division first. Kirk very soon needed assistance, and called on Willich's brigade, the next and last one to the right. But Willich was absent from his command, and the call was not responded to. On his way from Johnson's head-quarters, Willich was made prisoner and his horse shot. Kirk fell, mortally wounded. Of the two brigades, nearly half were killed, wounded, or captured. Johnson's division was enveloped in disaster, only Baldwin's brigade remaining, and that powerless to turn or stay the rebel advance. The rebels, already strong, received additional strength. Baldwin's brigade resisted gallantly, but briefly, and then fell back, just in time to escape capture.

The enemy continued to advance, and though re-enforced from his reserve, his progress was slackened some as Davis's division became engaged. The advantage gained early in the morning by the enemy, due to the suddenness and momentum of his attack, enabled him to push Davis's division back; but by this time he was

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beginning to pay pretty dearly for ground and whatever else he wrested from our forces. The enemy advancing in deep masses made it next to impossible for the firing by our troops, as they retreated, to prove ineffectual. Davis's center and left brigades, commanded by Carlin and Woodruff, and Sheridan's right brigade, commanded by Sill, acting unitedly, were successful in checking the rebels, and not only that, but drove them back. They re-formed their lines, and being re-enforced, charged again, and were again driven back by the three brigades of Carlin, Woodruff, and Sill. In a counter charge, successfully led by General Sill, that officer was killed. At the same time Post's brigade, of Davis's division, repelled an assault by part of Cheatham's men.

During all this time Sheridan was busy, working not only with his own division, but any and everywhere. The battle raged with undiminished and undiminishing activity. Sheridan's division became hotly engaged. Colonel Roberts, another of his brigade commanders, lost his life. Several assaults were repulsed, and but for the turning of the right flank, and the consequent havoc and panic created in its rear, possibly Sheridan would have withstood for a still longer time, the attacks on his front; but, as it was, he was compelled in turn to fall back, taking his time, and doing so with some judgment and deliberation. This brings us down to that part of the struggle already sufficiently dwelt upon for the purposes of this history. Up to this point Sheridan's division had been industriously fighting for four hours, perhaps, barring the time spent in getting back through the cedar thicket; and many of his regiments were out of ammunition the second time.

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Very soon after obtaining a supply of ammunition for his brigade, Colonel Schaefer was killed, being the third and last of Sheridan's brigade officers, or commanders, to meet such a fate.

The right of Rosecrans's army, or what was left of it, having in great measure re-formed and re-established itself, and having received help from the center and left wing, the disasters of the early part of the day were beginning to be repaired and compensated.

In the course of the day, and while examining his left, General Rosecrans was grazed by a fragment of shell, doing him little or no damage; a piece of the same shell, it is thought, took off the head of his chief of staff, Julius P. Garesche.In officers, the losses of our

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army during the day were very great; and so many of these losses occurring early in the morning, contributed not a little to the confusion which overtook our extreme right in the very outset of the engagement.

According to arrangement and division of the matter for this work, we end this chapter with the year 1862; and embrace in the next chapter the history of the regiment made during the year 1863.

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Chapter IV.

STONE RIVER -- CAMPS BRADLEY AND SCHAEFER -- CAMP-LIFE -- PICKET DUTY -- FORWARD MOVEMENT -- ALL SORTS OF DUTY AND EXPERIENCE -- ON TO CHICKAMAUGA -- CHATTANOOGA -- MISSIONARY RIDGE -- EAST TENNESSEE -- CLOSE OF RECORD FOR THE YEAR 1863.

In the preceding chapter, though considerable space is devoted to the active work of the 73d in the battle of Stone River, yet very many interesting if not important matters are not only not described, but not mentioned. Among these, of merely an interesting kind, the "demoralization" of the wild turkeys, and the "panic" among the rabbits, might be classed. Never, before December 31, 1862, had the natural and peaceful occupants of the dense cedar thickets been disturbed by a commotion so great, so unnatural, and appalling, as that created, on that day, near Murfreesboro. In their apparent supreme dread and terror, turkeys and rabbits might have been caught by the participants in the deadly combat. Smaller birds fluttered, and shrieked unnaturally and piteously, so great was their consternation and fear. The deafening roar of the cannon, the incessant rattle of small arms, the demon-like yell of men in the charging lines, and the clouds of drifting smoke, presented a scene which no words or picture can fully portray. No wonder, then, that the peaceful and retiring denizens of, the free forests and air shrank from or amid the pandemonium of strife which raged on that memorable day.

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Between the ending of active operations of the regiment on December 31, 1862, and the beginning of the same on January 1, 1863, but little time intervened. The raiding, burning, cutting and slashing, threatening, yelling, and hurrahing, by the enemy's cavalry in our rear during the battle, prevented our getting our last supper of 1862, until the beginning of the year 1863, as already indicated. At three o'clock on the morning of January 1st, our brigade received orders to leave its fires, and take position in line of battle. On the way, ammunition was issued to us, one hundred rounds to the man, including what was left over from last year's supply. The line of battle, as selected by General Rosecrans, has been likened in shape to a horseshoe. We find this description of it in Captain Kyger's diary:

"Commencing at the north, on the left wing, running thence south, nearly straight, through a field or fields, then turning southwest, striking timber and rough rocky ground, and also running nearly straight to the right of the center, when it turns nearly to the north-west, along a slightly undulating piece of ground, where there is a good natural fortification, hidden by cedar trees, and in front of which is a cotton-field, which the enemy will be compelled to cross in order to attack, -- here is where our division is posted, the 73d immediately in rear of the 44th; to the right of our brigade, also to the left, a heavy battery is posted; the line running beyond our position a short distance before turning directly west, and extending about one-half mile in that direction; thence south, forming -- after leaving off the first line -- the remainder, nearly in the shape of a dipper."

This dipper and a horseshoe, we imagine, would bear little, if any, resemblance to each other. If the captain's description prescribed the length of each straight line, it might be approximately correct. It is quite safe to say that the line of battle was so formed and shaped,

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January 1, 1863, as to admit of quickly strengthening or re-enforcing any threatened point in it, from some other point. In the diary just quoted we find this statement: "The object of the dipper form of the line is to have the enemy subject to a cross-fire, both from our artillery and infantry, provided he can be drawn out to make an attack."

At daylight we began building breastworks, using stone and logs and other material in their construction. At sunrise our batteries on the left opened on the enemy with a heavy fire. The enemy did not move out to attack, as he had seemed so eager to do the day before, nor did his artillery reply. During the cannonade we were watching for the enemy to show himself, but he neglected to do so. After the cannonade, we resumed the building of breastworks, placing cedar boughs in front and along the top, to mask them. Near this position a hard struggle occurred the day before. The rebels made several ineffectual charges, but were driven back with loss. In the cotton-field, as they fell back, showers of balls were sent after them with telling effect, leaving the ground strewn with their dead and wounded. But there was some loss on our side. Many of our brave boys fell. Nine of them were lying cold in death near us, awaiting the simple, unceremonious burial accorded a soldier on the field of battle. Some of them looked as though they had just fallen asleep -- eyes closed, hands at their sides, and countenances unruffled. Others appeared as if their last moments had been spent in extreme pain -- eyes open, and apparently ready to jump from their sockets; hands grasping some portion of their garments, and their features all distorted and changed. It was a sight sickening to look upon or to

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contemplate, and one from which a sympathetic heart would quickly turn away.

Near noon, work on the breastworks was discontinued, and our New-Year's dinner was prepared and eaten. The dinner was very plain and simple, consisting of crackers, coffee, and bacon. Quiet prevailed up to about 3.30 o'clock P. M., at which time skirmishing along the entire front commenced, the intention being to bring on a general engagement. At 3.45 o'clock a rebel brigade of infantry was observed slipping along behind a fence and some negro quarters, with the intention, evidently, of doing little less than surprising and capturing our skirmishers or making a charge ; but our skirmishers were wide awake, discovered their movement, and commenced firing and retreating slowly toward the fortifications. As soon as the rebels came within range of the infantry, Colonel Roberts's brigade, to our left, commenced firing, in which our brigade and the artillery quickly joined, hurling deadly missiles so thickly on the enemy's advance, that in ten minutes' time he commenced retreating. In this little affair our brigade lost two men killed. One of them belonged to Company A of the 73d. At four o'clock P. M. our skirmishers were again advanced. They passed over a part of the ground where the rebels had been routed, and found sixty of them in a ravine waiting to give themselves up. On being brought into our lines, and near our breastworks, all but two or three of them took off their hats and gave three hearty cheers for the Union. The two or three who failed to cheer the Union, hurrahed for Jeff. Davis. From other points farther to our front prisoners were brought in, making one hundred and fifteen in all. On our left, at five o'clock

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P. M., our artillery again shelled the woods, but elicited no reply. At dark we were ordered to extinguish all our fires and lie behind our fortifications in readiness for attack at any moment. Thus ended the first day of 1863 -- a good long one to us.

During the day we had failed to witness the long brown, or "butternut," lines of Confederates emerge from cover and advance with regularity, precision, and steadiness upon us, as we had on the preceding day. It was a grand, though not a comforting, spectacle which the long rows of gun-barrels and bayonets of the enemy presented while moving forward in the bright sunlight of December 31, 1862. Why were we not treated to such a pageant on January 1, 1863? We were better fixed for enjoying it, or spoiling it. Probably the enemy thought it was his time to witness a show. If he had come on we could have soon shown him what we had -- a strong, defensive position.

During the night of January 1st rain fell, and the morning of the 2d was cheerless and gloomy. Along our front firing began early, but there was no response by the enemy until ten o'clock, and then for a brief time only, and to no effect. The regiment, and brigade as well, strengthened the works, and received orders to defend them to the last extremity. General Rosecrans seemed determined not only to offset the misfortunes of December 31st, but also to contend for the objective point of the campaign. The motto of the regiment, "Murfreesboro or die," as suggested by Major Presson early on Wednesday morning, was recalled on this Friday. It was on this date, January 2d, that Breckinridge made his persistent and desperate effort to crush Crittenden's lines. The rebels bore down in heavy

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masses, driving Crittenden's forces some distance at the point of the bayonet. From our position we could distinctly hear the "yelling." All the artillery that could be brought to bear on the enemy, including two sixty-four-pounders, opened fire. General Crittenden rallied his men, made a bayonet charge, and drove the enemy back across Stone River. He captured ten pieces of artillery, two stands of colors, and some twelve hundred prisoners. The number killed in the engagement was estimated in the proportion of five of the enemy to two of Crittenden's forces. The engagement lasted one hour and a half, and for the time is thought to be the most destructive of any of the series before Murfreesboro. Hazen's brigade (if no more), of Davis's division, passed from the right wing, in our rear, and went to re-enforce Crittenden. Colonel John F. Miller, of Negley's division, by his skill and presence of mind in an emergency, contributed largely to the winning of the victory. Miller died, a year or more ago, from the effects of diseases contracted during his army service. At the time of his death he was United States Senator from California.

Immediately after the repulse of the enemy from Crittenden's front, General Sheridan passed along the entire front of his division, on foot, warning his troops to be watchful, vigilant, and determined; to hold their ground at all hazards, and at whatever cost. He was then fully expecting the rebels to assault his part of the line, having failed on the left. It was reasonable to suppose the enemy was feeling for a weak point in our front.

The night of January 2d, the 73d was ordered out on picket. Companies I and C were the reserve to the

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remainder of the regiment, which was posted on the line. This was something for the two companies to "chuckle" over -- that is, for a while, until after rain commenced falling, and orders came from General Rosecrans for the reserves to the pickets to pass out beyond the lines, deploy as skirmishers, and advance until the enemy's pickets were found, or until it was ascertained that the enemy had retreated. The two companies, under the command of Captain Bazell, of the 2d Missouri, passed the picket-line, then deployed as skirmishers, the men five paces apart. They then moved steadily forward, going three-fourths of a mile, across a corn-field, halting several times on the way. Our instructions were not to fire at all, even if fired on, but to retreat immediately, the object of the move being to find if the rebels were still in our front. Just at the edge of the corn-field we came right on to the rebel pickets, not more than ten paces distant at many points. The rebels called out "Halt!" and almost instantly fired on us. Some two or three of Company C fired, contrary to orders, before they fell back. We went "skedaddling" back through the corn-stalks quite rapidly. A sharp fire at our backs hurried us considerably. The rebels pursued us, and kept firing at us until we arrived in the vicinity of our pickets. A few of the two companies, who were a little late returning from the Confederate side of the corn-field, were fired on by our pickets. All of the two companies returned unhurt to the point from which they started, although the numerous balls sent after them made quite a rattling among the corn-stalks. Such duty as this was rarely required, being deemed extra hazardous. Rosecrans caused a number of old houses (negro quarters)

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to be burned, so as to make a light to serve us as a guide in falling back. On arriving at our reserve post we remained there until morning, exposed to a cold rain. We were compelled to keep stirring in order to keep from chilling. At daylight on the 3d of January we were relieved.

Rain continued falling on the 3d, and the weather was chilling to the overtaxed and half-fed soldiers. Some who were sick, or had been weakened by exposure or hardship unduly proportioned to their physical strength, were compelled to give up and consent to go to the hospital. A rumor was current along our line to the effect that the rebels were evacuating Murfreesboro. The woods were vigorously shelled, but the enemy made no reply. General Rosecrans had fires built along our line; then a heavy line of skirmishers was sent beyond to attack the enemy's pickets. In due time the latter were discovered. Our skirmishers fired, then fell back slowly, the enemy following in considerable force, until our skirmishers reached the point from whence they started. The enemy retired, under a brisk fire from our pickets, which closed the record for the day, January 3d.

Before midnight the Confederates began their retreat from Murfreesboro; trains and non-combatants, no doubt, starting earlier. They fell back to Shelbyville and Tullahoma, erected defenses, and went into winter-quarters again. No very determined pursuit of the retreating rebels was attempted. Their rear was hurried up a little for a distance of six or eight miles.

January 4th, details of men were sent out to bury the dead, though some work in this line was done as late as the 6th. The terrible strain of a week of battles

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was at an end. For losses sustained by the 73d during the week, consult the roster found in chapter i. However, the roster does not give all the credit due, many of the slight wounds not being noted.

Rosecrans's effective force, of all arms, on this campaign, is placed at 43,400 men, and Bragg's at 46,000. Bragg's report made the number of men under his command, at the beginning of the fight, only 35,000. It is estimated that each army lost, during the week, fully twenty-five per cent of its numbers. Rosecrans made his losses to foot up 1,533 killed; 7,245 wounded; 2,800 captured; total, 11,578. He also places the total of Bragg's losses at 14,560, the latter admitting a loss of 10,000. As permanent results of the campaign, Nashville, and Tennessee northward from that point, and the whole of Kentucky, were saved to the Union.

Stone River was one of the notable battles of the war, if not one of the greatest, and is entitled to honorable and full consideration at the hands of impartial historians.

A brief summing up of the contest around Murfreesboro, by Horace Greeley, at page 282, Vol. II, of his "American Conflict," reads as follows:

"It is a fair presumption that our losses, both in men (prisoners included) and material, were greater than those of the rebels; and that Rosecrans was disabled by those losses for any effective pursuit; but this does not and can not demolish the fact, that the battle of Stone River, so gallantly, obstinately, desperately fought, was lost to Bragg and the rebels, and won by the Army of the Cumberland and its heroic commander."

In support of the theory that the Confederate losses at Stone River were greater than the Federal, it may

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be mentioned that the rebels in several instances rushed on to our forces, not only in double and triple lines of battle, but charged two, three, or move times in dense masses, thus affording to our troops, infantry and artillery, a fine opportunity to inflict a much heavier loss than they received. As a sample of this kind of fighting, we instance the assault by Breckinridge's corps on Crittenden's, of which General Rosecrans, in his report, says: "The enemy retreated more rapidly than he had advanced. In twenty minutes he had lost two thousand men." In that action our forces lost not exceeding eight hundred men.

On January 4th, Sunday, a few members of the regiment who had been back to Nashville, came up. It is just to say that some, if not all, of these men, while in the rear, got an exaggerated idea of the "desperateness" of the Federal situation, and, thinking all was lost, betook themselves to Nashville. On learning their mistake, many of them promptly returned to the regiment. Some returned, no doubt, on purpose to help "holler," and say, "We killed a bear."

Many of our soldiers were captured and paroled while making their way to Nashville; others were captured by the enemy's, and then recaptured by our cavalry. Portions of our train were taken, and then retaken. In the rear of our right wing, on December 31st, there was a "free-for-all" scramble. Uncertainty as to who held sway or "ruled the roast," and confusion generally, prevailed.

By Sunday, January 4th, a degree of quietude obtained, which was in agreeable and striking contrast with the uproar and jargon of the week which ended with the 3d.

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The thoughts, reflections, and emotions which came to the minds of those soldiers detailed to go over the battle-field on that quiet Sabbath day, and bury their late comrades in arms, can not be expressed, or even conjectured. Language, sometimes so utterly inadequate to do the duty with which we would charge it, fails us in a case like this. In battle, one brief moment suffices to change a form, full of life and manly vigor, to an inanimate clod of the valley.

On January 6th, the regiment, with the brigade and division, forsook the "line of battle" and position held by it since the 1st, marched through Murfreesboro, and on to a piece of woods, and went regularly into camp. As we marched through the town, we passed one of the Confederate hospitals, in front of which a number of able-bodied "Johnnies" were standing, watching us. A soldier of the 73d spoke up and said: "Johnny, what made you leave Murfreesboro?" "We haven't left yet," one of the Johnnies replied. "But what made your army, what made Bragg leave here?" persisted our man. "Our army left here on account of the smallpox; the small-pox got among our troops," the Johnny answered, thinking to terrify or scare our man. "I know better than that; I know how it came that your army left here. It left here on account of the small bullets."

The camp we first stopped at near Murfreesboro was named Camp Bradley. The Sibley tents arrived from Nashville, and were put up in order. The shelter-tent was temporarily "relegated" to the bunks, to await the opening of the next campaign. On January 7th, a small squad of Company C, in charge of Lieutenant Kyger, went to the battle-field, and sought the remains

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of Dye and Yoho, and buried them. These comrades had fallen near each other, in the edge of the cedar woods; and it was feared, or at least supposed, their bodies had been overlooked by the burial parties sent out on Sunday; hence the detail, or volunteer squad, went to look after them specially.

By the middle of January, matters had become adjusted, and the routine of camp life and duty was reestablished, about as we had experienced it at Mill Creek.

In pursuance of recommendations made by General Rosecrans in a general order, the following named soldiers of the 73d were chosen or designated as being entitled to the distinction of having their names placed on a roll of honor.

On this roll Major William A. Presson represented the field-officers.

Lieutenant W. H. Dodge, Company G, and Captain W. B. Smith, Company A, were chosen from among the line officers.

Company A -- Sergeant T. C. Perry; Corporal H. M. Cass; Privates Richard Baker, Edward Cantrill, Joseph Baughman, Jeremiah C. Ham, Richard B. Oliver.

Company B -- Sergeant D. B. Dillon; Corporal Daniel J. Reid; Privates Joel Isenberg, Cyrus M. Glaze, Peter B. Few, Gilbert Harbison, Joseph A. Hunt.

Company C -- Sergeant W. H. Newlin; Corporal A. C. Nicholson; Privates Wesley Bishop, John R. Burke, Charles W. Cook, Robert J. Hasty, Aaron Willison.

Company D -- Sergeant H. M. Alvord; Corporal Allen Wiley; Privates Elias M. Miller, John Weddle, L. M. McArdle, John M. Albert, Jonas B. Garver.

Company E -- Sergeant Townsend Hendrickson;

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Corporal John Justice; Privates Benj. F. Kirkley, Charles Harvey, William H. Burk, Perkins Elliott, S. M. Busby.

Company F -- Sergeant John Spindler; Corporal Robert Z. McBride; Privates William H. Van Meter, Henry McBride, William Boyer, George Dudney, Johnson W. Wright.

Company G -- Sergeant William T. Talbott; Corporal J. P. Goodwin; Privates William H. Little, J. E. Bailey, James W. Davis, William T. Purnell, George Swackhammer.

Company H -- Sergeant William Cammire; Corporal Isaac Lytle; Privates Alpheus Winegar, Archibald Goodwin, David Turnicliff, Edward Penston.

Company I -- Sergeant William H. Gamble; Corporal William H. Denning; Privates Benjamin Schaffner, Hiram T. Coffman, James V. Hinds, James O. Weir, Calvin J. Hinman.

Company K -- Sergeant D. M. Davis; Corporal Ed. T. Brown; Privates James M. Murray, Henry Nosley, Elijah Stacy, George Kolb, William M. Karnes.

The other regiments, many of them, acted on this recommendation. The propriety of selecting a few for special mention from among many who had done equally well in the day of trial was discussed, but not particularly objected to, in view of the stimulus it might give to soldiers in deporting themselves in a faithful and steady way in the next engagement. To those whose names were placed upon this roll the selection served as a certificate of good conduct in the last battle, while at the same time it was encouragement to them and all others to conduct themselves worthily in the next. Rolls of honor, later on in the war, contained only the names of those who were

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wounded or lost their lives in battle. This left the selection to chance, and not to the judgment or choice of comrades, which was better. The daily routine of duties, camp, forage, fatigue, and picket duty, did not vary much while we were at Camp Bradley.

During the latter part of January, and through February, the monotony of camp-life was burdensome at times. There were several causes which contributed to this. Nothing was done or attempted, except that which was absolutely necessary. This, of course, made the variety of duty and experience somewhat limited, and tended likewise to repetition and sameness day after day. Unfavorable weather and mud seemed to forbid the originating of plans that might not, or could not, be carried out. A number of the regiment died during the months of January and February and later on. Some died in hospitals at Murfreesboro; others died at Nashville. Disease contracted was the cause of death in some cases, though wounds inflicted at Stone River continued to prove fatal. Letters from the North, written by the relatives and immediate friends of those who had been killed in battle, or had since died of wounds or disease, were received by members of one or another of the companies almost daily. These letters called for information, and not only that, but for particulars respecting the disposition of the bodies of those who had been killed or had died. Many letters were written by the soldiers and sent North, with all information, and particulars that could be obtained. Then came other letters from the North, making further inquiries, and seeking or proposing a removal of the remains of the dead thither. While this correspondence occupied the time to some extent,

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it also kept the minds of the soldiers on the sad and solemn side of army life and on home and home scenes, associations, and friends. A few citizens from different parts of Illinois, at dates between January 15th and April 1, 1863, visited the regiment, also the battle-field, the hospitals, and the cemeteries. The remains of a number of soldiers were disinterred at the cemeteries, and in some cases at the battle-field -- where the graves were certainly marked -- and taken to Illinois and other States and reinterred. The interest manifested by most of these citizens in the welfare of the soldiers was very deep and earnest; their sympathy and zeal for the families bereft of a husband, father, son, or brother was touching and significant. It assured us that we, as soldiers, were not alone in enduring hardships, and suffering the pangs of bereavement, and bearing the burdens of sorrow and grief, which the cruel war caused. Indeed, we had comparatively little of this at the front. Being occupied and preoccupied with the business in hand or in expectancy, we did not long dwell upon, nurse, or encourage our griefs. If a comrade was killed, we passed on or fell back; if he was wounded, he either went or was sent to the rear. Always in times of battle, and for some time after, the rear extended, in one sense at least, far to the North. There was where the interest, anxiety, and solicitude were felt. In our immediate rear and farther north was where care for the bodies of the slain, care for the wounded, the sick, and the bereft, was had or taken. The United States Christian, Sanitary, and other commissions, and the aid societies, the great work performed by them in furnishing hospital and other supplies, the product of the toil of millions of busy, tireless hands, but feebly indicated

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the depth and intensity of the interest felt by the men and women, and especially by the women of the North, for those who suffered and sacrificed for the holy cause of the Union.

General Jeff. C. Davis, with his division and two brigades of Minty's cavalry, had made a reconnaissance westward from Murfreesboro, about the middle of February, for the purposes of observation or possible interference with movements of Wheeler's Confederate cavalry force, one hundred and forty-one of which, including two colonels, he captured; then he returned to Murfreesboro without an engagement, and, consequently, without loss. General Sheridan, with our division, about the 4th of March, started on a similar expedition, going southward nearly to Shelbyville, then turning northwestward to Franklin, having two or more slight skirmishes with inferior forces of Forrest's or Van Dorn's commands. These detachments failing to make a stand, fled, losing in all about one hundred men in prisoners, while our loss did not exceed ten, all told. The 73d, as a matter of course, accompanied this expedition. We were at Eagleville; also at Spring Hill. We distinctly remember having much difficulty in getting some of the men of Company C aroused in the morning after our halt over night at Eagleville; when we were suddenly called to resume our march. We were out ten days from Murfreesboro on this jaunt, and were kept busily employed, moving early and late, and maintaining a keen outlook all the while. The knowledge of the country gained early in 1863 by some officers, notably by George W. Patten, first lieutenant of Company B, was made available in November, 1864, when, as captain of Company I, he

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was selected to take command of the advance guard, consisting of Companies A, F, D, and I, when falling back from Duck River to Spring Hill. On the return march we made twenty-three miles in one day, starting shortly after sunrise and halting at about five P. M.

As one circumstance which occurred about this time, to divert and engage the attention of soldiers and relieve the monotony of the camp, the singing of war songs and other patriotic pieces, by one citizen singer, named Locke, may be mentioned. He was an excellent singer, and sang with such zeal and earnestness as should characterize a zealous, earnest, and patriotic man. He went from regiment to regiment, and from camp to camp, and while singing, the boys would gather about him in large numbers, and applaud and cheer, and insist on his singing still more. We are not certain now about it, but our recollection is that Locke accepted money tendered him, but did not beg for it. At any rate, his singing served as an inspiration to the soldiers, and raised their jaded and drooping spirits, which was of no little worth in those tedious days. A few days after this visit of Locke's, a report was started somewhere, and circulated through camp, to the effect that the "patriotic singer" was no less than a rebel spy. The report was never, so far as we know, ascertained to have any foundation in fact, and probably originated from a suggestion, on the part of some one, that possibly he might be a spy.

When the mud dried up so as to admit of it, company and regimental drill was resumed, and this, with the necessary camp and picket duty, and occasional forage and scouting excursions, served to occupy the time. On one forage expedition, which was accompanied by a detail from the 73d and other regiments, quite a stampede

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was created, and the train came back to camp empty, and had to hustle to get off that well. A considerable force of rebels suddenly appeared, and proposed to contest with us for the "fodder" we were just ready to lay hold of.

We have no data at hand that discloses the date of our change of camp, from Camp Bradley to Camp Schaefer, the latter named in memory of our late brigade commander, killed at Stone River. The move, however, was only a short one, and was made some time during the month of March. At Camp Schaefer the shelter, or "dog tents," were in large measure substituted for the Sibley tents. As a sample of "grape-vine dispatches," we recall and mention the dispatch that was said to have been received which announced the fall of Richmond. The dispatch arrived at our camp on a Sunday, just before noon, and interfered with the preaching, almost to the extent of "breaking up the meeting." But of course the character of the dispatch soon became known.

We had become fully straightened around and settled in Camp Schaefer by April 1st. On April 5th an inspection of arms and accouterments by companies was had at nine o'clock. The result was quite satisfactory, everything being found in better order than at any previous inspection. The inspection was concluded with the understanding that the duties of the day, in a military way, were ended. It being Sunday, the announcement was made that there would be preaching at three o'clock P. M. At one company head-quarters, at least, on this date, an extra dinner, consisting of biscuit, fried ham, onions, tea, and apple-pie, was prepared. But lo! just as it was being sat down to, the long roll sounded

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at ten minutes before twelve o'clock M. We formed in line of battle immediately. The report was that the rebels were advancing on us from Shelbyville. Our brigade marched off in good style, keeping step to the music. As we crossed the Murfreesboro and Salem pike, we saw one of Jeff. C. Davis's brigades coming in from outpost duty at Salem. This was deemed an indication that we would be attacked. We passed on, the 73d in rear of the brigade.

Our brigade was formed in line of battle in an open field on the north bank of Stone River. We stacked arms, and were allowed to rest in place. We remained in position until two o'clock, when, not seeing or hearing anything of the enemy, we marched back to camp. This move was considered simply as an experiment to ascertain how speedily the army, or a portion of it, could be gotten out and formed in line of battle in an emergency. Whether an experiment or not, the movement proved satisfactory to Sheridan, both as to the time and manner in which it was made.

The day (Sunday, April 5th) was very pleasant and beautiful. April 6th, not so pleasant, being more like a March day. Had battalion drill. At 7.30, on the morning of the 7th, we went on picket; relieved the 38th Illinois. Relieved from picket-line on the 8th, at nine o'clock, by the 35th Illinois.

At two o'clock A. M., on the 9th, we received orders to have four days' cooked rations -- two in haversacks and two in wagon -- and be ready to march by eight o clock. We were ready on time, but received no further orders, and remained in camp during the day. The raid by Van Dorn, and his attack on the troops stationed at Franklin, were the causes of the precaution taken. In

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compliance with an order from the President, we mustered on the 10th, the object being to inform the War Department as to the number of men in each company, so that a draft might be made to fill the companies up to the minimum number, if any were lacking. The muster over, we were ordered to go on outpost picket two miles from camp. Left Camp Schaefer at eleven A. M., and found the weather warm and the road dusty. We halted on the left of the Salem pike, in a beautiful grove of large timber. The leaves were beginning to put forth, indicating that the season was fully three weeks in advance of the season in Illinois. Van Dorn was repulsed at Franklin, losing three hundred men killed, wounded, and missing, according to General Granger's official report; the loss to our side being one hundred men.

The 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments were on picket on the 10th, and up to one o'clock P. M. on the 11th, when the 44th and 73d relieved them. On the 12th, Colonel Jaquess returned to the regiment. He had been at Springfield, Illinois, and other points North. We stood picket on the 13th, and up to one o'clock P. M. of the 14th. On the 15th we were relieved from the outpost, and returned to camp. Rain fell, and the mud became abundant. Taken altogether, we had an agreeable time during our five days' picketing. We were very glad, however, to see Camp Schaefer once more.

On April 16th, General Sheridan was presented with an elegant sword and a brace of pistols. He had recently been promoted major-general. In accepting the presents, General Sheridan said he attributed his promotion to the bravery of the division at Chaplin Hills

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and Stone River. Nothing noteworthy occurred on the 17th. Saturday, the 18th, we went on picket at the old station on Stone River. Rain fell during the night; quite a storm prevailed. We were relieved from picket at nine A. M. on Sunday, the 19th, and returned to camp. There was no incident or event of importance on the 20th, except that Captain Whiting mustered in some officers who had been advanced to a higher grade. On the 21st, there were rumors of an attack by the rebels, which proved unfounded. Had battalion drill in the forenoon and brigade drill in the afternoon.

At one o'clock A. M., on the 22d, we received orders to have three days' rations in our haversacks and be ready to march promptly at seven o'clock. We moved out at 7.30, not knowing our destination. We went three miles on the Salem pike; then we turned south, and continued in that direction until we reached a point fully eight miles from camp. Soon after we left the pike, our cavalry drove in the rebel pickets. Some skirmishing took place during the afternoon between the rebel cavalry and our own. Our infantry at the front also fired a few shots. Near night the 44th and 73d went on picket. Before we got our line established, rain began falling, and before dark the enemy's cavalry made a dash on ours, but were soon repulsed; one of our men was slightly wounded. As pickets, we were required to take extra precautions to guard against surprise. Rain continued until near midnight. At one o'clock A. M. word was received that the enemy was moving, apparently in strong force, to attack us. Colonel Laibold ordered that we silently withdraw from our picket-line at two o'clock A. M., and pass out under cover of darkness. We did so as soon as the

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appointed time arrived; and later we were making quick time through the darkness and mud. At daybreak we were within four miles of Camp Schaefer, and at 6.30 we arrived there, all tired enough.

On the 23d the sunshine was quite warm, and the ground was very damp in consequence of the rain-fall of the previous night. Marching orders were received at ten A. M. We started immediately with two days' rations. We went the same route we had taken on the 22d, and took the position we had so hastily left early in the morning. The 2d and 15th Missouri went on picket. We had some little skirmishing on the way, but no casualties. Our position was in a heavy timber. We received orders to march at three o'clock A. M. It was on this date, April 23d, that we drew Enfield rifles, exchanging our "smooth-bore" muskets for them. At three o'clock A. M., on the 24th, we again struck out for camp. We arrived within two miles of camp by six o'clock. We halted and took breakfast, and later were relieved by the 1st Brigade. It was ascertained that our recent expedition was part of a plan to entrap a rebel force that had been for some time hovering around in the neighborhood, watching for an opportunity to "gobble" something; or to annoy and harass our advanced pickets. This force was too wide awake to be trapped.

At seven o'clock A. M., on Saturday, April 25th, we went on picket on the Shelbyville pike. Had a quiet time, and were relieved by the 15th Ohio at nine o'clock A. M. of the 26th. Rumors in camp on the 27th, to the effect that Bragg "will very soon attack," to which but little credence was given. On the 28th we had brigade drill in the forenoon and battalion drill

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in the afternoon. Pay-rolls received some little attention, too. On the 29th, report again circulated that Bragg was marching on us. Orders were issued requiring the troops to keep in a state of readiness. The pay and muster rolls of the regiment were finished up, so we were in readiness for our pay as well as for an attack. Rain fell on the night of the 29th.

Captain Kyger, then first lieutenant, and the writer received permission to visit Murfreesboro, April 30th. We found that the commissary and ordnance stores in the town were being removed inside the fortifications. The rebel picket-line, according to report, was advanced about this date, and placed near our own. The same report represented that Bragg had received re-enforcements, and that he would surely attack Rosecrans.

April 30th, by order of the President, being Thanksgiving-day, we attended church, and heard a sermon by Bishop Rosecrans, the general's brother. The general and his staff were in attendance, and also enough other soldiers to crowd the church to its fullest capacity. The services, of course, were conducted according to the rules and usages of the Catholic Church. General Rosecrans conformed strictly to the custom of the Catholics, and appeared to be not only an interested but a devout worshiper.

Returned to camp at one o'clock P. M. At four o'clock the regiment mustered for pay, and was paid off by Lieutenant Krebs. The weather was all that could be desired by soldiers, on Friday, May 1st, and there was no incident to mark the date specially. The regiment went on picket at 7.30 A. M., May 2d, Companies I, C, and H occupying the old post on the pike. There was some skirmishing in front; no damage

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inflicted on our skirmishers, however. We were relieved from picket at nine A. M. on Sunday. Went to camp, and later attended meeting. Colonel Jaquess gave us a good sermon; his hearers were apparently all well pleased. On Monday, May 4th, we had brigade drill. The drill was witnessed by General Alex. McD. McCook, our corps commander, who seemed well pleased with it. We had battalion drill in the afternoon. Rain fell during the night.

On the morning of the 5th we went on picket two miles from camp. The 44th and 73d were on the line, the 2d and 15th Missouri being on the reserve post. Were on picket at this time and place only twenty-four hours, having been sent out in pursuance of an arrangement whereby a brigade, out on the Shelbyville pike, was to be accommodated. At nine o'clock on the 6th we were relieved by the 1st Brigade; returned to camp in order, through a light rain. On May 7th and 8th we had drill, and on Saturday, the 9th, went on picket again, this time on the Shelbyville pike. Ten negroes were admitted within our picket-lines during the day. We were relieved from picket on Sunday, May 10th at nine o'clock.

The second anniversary of the taking of Camp Jackson was celebrated at brigade head-quarters. The commissioned officers of the brigade, and some officers of the 51st Illinois and 24th Wisconsin, were present. Major-General P. H. Sheridan and staff attended. After music by the bands, Major James I. Davidson, of the 73d, was called out to make a speech. Then music followed, both instrumental and vocal. Lagerbeer was partaken of by those who liked it or thought it a healthful beverage. Some did not like the taste of

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it, but drank it for their health. A general good time was had. Then Colonel Jaquess was called for. The colonel came to time, and selected as a text, "Action." Davidson's and Jaquess's speeches pleased Sheridan and Laibold very much, and gave satisfaction all around.

No drill on Monday, May 11th. The day was spent in providing shade for the tents and grounds or streets, through or by the use of leafy boughs of trees and brush. The job of shading the camp continued and was completed on the 12th. The week including May 12th to 20th passed off quietly, being marked by no incidents of special interest. Early on the 20th we went out on the Salem pike to do picket duty for a few days. All camp equipage was taken along, so that, in case of a forward movement, we could join it without having to return to camp. The 2d and 15th Missouri occupied the picket-line; the 44th and 73d held the reserve outpost behind a temporary breastwork. At dusk orders were received requiring us to be ready to march to the front early the next morning. The rebels were reported to be leaving Shelbyville and going to help hold Vicksburg, on which General Grant with a large force was marching. News was received to the effect that Grant had taken Jackson, Mississippi, on the 14th inst. The soldiers seemed electrified and excited by these reports, and were apparently anxious to make a forward movement. A great deal of talking was done and much speculation indulged in. Our camp-fires under the dense green foliage of the grove presented a splendid appearance, and they were kept brightly burning until a late hour. We arose by the gray dawn of morning on May 21st, and had our breakfasts by sunrise, ready to move if ordered to do so. All quiet at

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seven A. M. No further signs of moving. Went on picket at eight o'clock; relieved the 15th Missouri. At four P. M. all was quiet; no signs of a disturbance. At nine o'clock P. M. a brigade of cavalry passed out to the front on the pike.

May 22, 1863, we were on reserve at the outpost picket station. At sunrise we heard firing in the direction of Middletown. Our cavalry dashed into and surprised a rebel camp, took ninety prisoners, and burned the wagons and camp equipage belonging to the enemy. Our loss, one killed and one wounded; the rebel loss, ten killed; the number wounded not ascertained, and prisoners as above stated. This surprise occurred about twelve miles south-west of Murfreesboro. During the afternoon there was some firing along the outpost picket-line, but it was not sufficient to alarm the camp.

"Clement L. Vallandigham arrived at Murfreesboro at ten o'clock P. M., of May 21st, by special train from Nashvillle. He was placed under a strong guard at the quarters of the provost-marshal, and detained until two o'clock on the morning of the 22d, at which time he was placed in a carriage, and, accompanied by Major Wiles, provost-marshal, Colonel McKibben, Lieutenant-Colonel Ducat, and Captain Goodwin, escorted by two companies of the 4th Regular Cavalry, he was driven to a house in the vicinity of our extreme outpost pickets and detained again until daylight. Then, under a flag of truce, the guards and escort went forward with their prisoner until they came in sight of the Confederate pickets. After a parley of some length, during which the colonel commanding the rebel pickets first declined to receive the prisoner and afterwards consented, the two officers rode back to the conveyance, which they then conducted some distance within the rebel lines and delivered their prisoner to the guards. Vallandigham remarked to the rebel guards, first calling the attention of the Federal officers, on this wise: ‘I am a citizen of Ohio, United States of America, and am sent within your lines against my will,

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and hope you will receive me as your prisoner.’ The officer received him as a citizen, to be dealt with by the authorities at Shelbyville, to whom he promised to send him at the earliest convenience."

On Saturday, May 23d, we were still on outpost picket, and in obedience to orders were up and under arms at four o'clock A. M. It was expected that the enemy would seek to surprise us, in return for the surprise that had been perpetrated on them the morning before. We were not to be caught so soon; but our trouble was for naught -- no surprise of our camp was attempted. We got breakfast, then went on picket; relieved the 15th Missouri. This was the date of the return to the regiment of Lieutenant W. R. Lawrence, who had been captured at Stone River. At three o'clock the morning of Sunday, May 24th, Captain Wallace, of Company I, had us up in line of battle. No rebels came near us, however. At 9.30 A. M. we were relieved by the 15th Ohio. We immediately started for Camp Schaefer. Soon after arriving in camp, things began to assume the old-time appearance. All seemed quiet, there being no signs of a forward movement. Good news from Grant's army was received: "Haines' Bluff taken, with fifty-seven pieces of artillery. Port Hudson surrounded."

May 25th, the weather was clear and quite warm. In camp the topic of interest was Grant's operations down the Mississippi River. The news received was regarded as very favorable for our cause. On May 26th a detail from the regiment went to work on the fortifications. This detail being quite large, those of the regiment left in camp were idle, and, as a consequence, lonesome. Favorable news from the army

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before Vicksburg was received. The morning of May 27th was very pleasant. The regiment had orders to thoroughly police the camp -- that is, clean it. The shade to the tents and streets was renewed. These improvements were construed as indications that a forward movement for us was indefinitely postponed. Many of the regimental line officers on this date spent a half day inspecting the fortifications about Murfreesboro. They agreed that the fortifications were very extensive and formidable. At two o'clock on the early morning of the 28th we received orders to be ready to march at a moment's warning, with five days' rations. It was suspected by some that we were going out on a scouting expedition; by others that we were going out to support General Rousseau's force, which had gone out on the left to demonstrate, hold, or keep the enemy in our front from going to re-enforce Pemberton. There was slight skirmishing during the afternoon in the direction of McMinnville. Rain fell during the night. Weather rather gloomy on the morning of the 29th. Orders for picket. Left camp at 8.30 A. M., and went to one of our old picket-posts on the Shelbyville pike. No news received from our advance, out toward Manchester, nor any from before Vicksburg. All was quiet in our front as we stood picket. Rain fell at intervals during the day, and at night it rained very hard. It was very uncomfortable for even a soldier to be out that night, no matter if he was standing on the picket-post. Five dollars for a dry spot, or a dry shred of clothing, might have been offered with impunity, with no prospect of takers. Adjutant R. R. Randall hastily took his leave of the camp, the regiment, and the army on this date. May 30th, eight o'clock

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A. M., we were still on picket, and the rain still falling. We were getting used to it -- so much so that we never thought of pensions. We were relieved from picket by the 69th Illinois. Returned to camp through the rain, on foot, and without umbrellas. May 3lst we had inspection by companies between showers. Toward night the rain ceased, and the clouds cleared away. A number of the regiment visited the hospital and the convalescent camp, to see how the sick and convalescent comrades were getting along. Some few of the regiment, who had experienced a failure or loss of the voice, were still unable to speak above a whisper. On this date a Sabbath-school was organized in the 73d camp. We had preaching at five o'clock P. M., and prayer-meeting at "candle-lighting." All quiet; no orders to march; no news from the front. The first three or four days of June, 1863, were marked by no incidents of an interesting character. Showers were frequent, and interfered with the drill. The news from Grant's army was rather meager, but not discouraging.

June 3d, orders at sunset to draw seven days' rations (to put three days' rations in haversacks and four in knapsacks), and be ready to march on short notice. These orders served to keep us in a state of suspense and expectancy during the early part of the night. We were not called on to move. Morning brought with it cannonading in front, but we remained quietly in camp during the early part of the day. Lieutenant Lawrence was officer of the day on this date. At noon the long roll sounded. Our brigade fell into line, and was hurriedly marched out on the Salem pike, and formed in line of battle on the bank of Stone

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River, near the bridge. A sharp cavalry engagement was had seven miles out. After this was over, the cannonading ceased, and at two P. M. we returned to camp. Before three P. M. the cannonading was resumed, and kept up during the afternoon. At 6.15 P. M. we were out on the color-line, having dress-parade. Troop was beating off, when Colonel Laibold came from Sheridan's head-quarters, running his horse at his utmost speed. The second brigade was ordered to fall in immediately. In fifteen minutes we were off with our seven days' rations, and in a jubilant mood, thinking we would get a glimpse of the rebels this time, as the cannonading was more constant and steady. We went out two miles west of Stone River, to support the pickets in case the cavalry was driven in. At dark we halted in a grove of open timber, where the ground was covered with growing grass. Wounded cavalrymen were being brought in, but we failed to learn of the extent of the engagement or losses. We spread down our gum and other blankets, and prepared to spend the night, first receiving orders to be up and under arms by four A. M. of the 5th. Were up in obedience to orders, and under arms. All was quiet, however; no commotion in front, nor any news from there. During the latter part of the night the weather was stormy. The morning was gloomy, the weather threatening and unpropitious. At noon we received orders to return to camp. Found matters in camp all right. No events worthy of note occurred on Saturday, June 6th. On Sunday, the 7th, the weather was beautiful. Had inspection by companies at nine A. M. Sunday-school at two P. M., and at four P. M., Major Davidson preached a sermon. All quiet at night.

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Orders were received to go to Salem on outpost picket, to stay from four to six days.

Monday, June 8th, started at seven A. M. for the outpost picket station; arrived there by nine o'clock. Companies C, F, and I went on duty together in the edge of a nice grove, and east of Mr. Turner's residence. We had but two reliefs, which made the duty exacting on the men. Lieutenant Kyger visited the Turner mansion, and conversed with Mr. Turner at some length. As to the war going on between the North and South, Turner claimed to hold a neutral position. He also claimed the protection of our forces. All quiet along our lines.

Tuesday, June 9th, we arose at four o'clock A. M., as we had been ordered to do. At eight A. M. we were relieved from picket by Companies B, E, and G. Companies C, F, and I, being on the reserve, improved the opportunity of gaining much-needed rest. Rain fell during the night.

June 10th, raining at four A. M., at which hour we were up and wide awake, in obedience to orders. There seemed to be a determination not to be caught napping. A report was current that Hardee, with a considerable force, was not far from us, and threatening to attack. Companies C, F, and I went on the line at eight A. M.

Thursday, June 11th, the companies last above named were relieved as before, at eight A. M. Companies A, D, H, and K kept up their share of the routine duties while on the week's picketing at the outpost. Rain fell during the day. From June 12th to 14th, inclusive, the experience was about the same as for the four preceding days. On the latter date we

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were relieved, and then returned immediately to Camp Schaefer.

On the 12th, Lieutenant Kyger obtained permission to return to camp for the purpose of going to Murfreesboro to meet Captain McNutt, who had been home on sick leave. The captain arrived, as was expected. On reaching Camp Schaefer, Lieutenant Kyger found the several orderlies and the convalescents of the regiment all in good spirits. Concerning the return of Captain McNutt, and other events in connection, Kyger's diary reads as follows:

"On the arrival of the passenger train, sure enough, captain was on it. I had a shake of his hand through the window. Glad, very glad, to see him. Have not so gladly received any one since I have been in the service. Cap.'s general health is good, but he is still suffering from the effects of neuralgia in one leg. He walks with difficulty and pain. We started for Camp Schaefer at 11.15 A. M. Cap. was very much pleased to get back and to see us. I stayed until four P. M. before starting for the picketline; arrived at five P. M. with the letters Cap. had brought for the boys. All glad to hear from him. We are on duty. Captain Smith and myself visited Mr. Turner, a citizen, living near our line. Had a very pleasant time until nine P. M. He claims to be a Union man, and gets protection from the United States army.

"On Outpost Picket, on Salem Pike, Saturday, June 13, 1863. -- A beautiful morning; relieved at eight A. M.; back to station; spent the day reading, sleeping, and talking; all quiet; no incident.

"On Outpost Picket, on Salem Pike, Sunday, June 14,1863. -- This is an unusually pleasant morning; relieved at nine A. M.; went to camp; met Cap.; boys all glad to see him, very glad, and so was Cap. to see us; had Sunday-school at two P. M.; no incident; all quiet.

"Camp Schaefer, Tenn., June 15, 1863. -- Monday morning quite warm; went to Murfreesboro with Captain Morgan; had a nice time; nothing new.

"Camp Schaefer, Tenn., Tuesday, June 16 -- Raining this morning; went on review at four P. M.; reviewed by General Sheridan and

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Colonel Laibold; appeared splendidly, never better; extremely warm; all quiet.

"Camp Schaefer, Wednesday, June 17, 1863. -- Clear and warm; drilled morning and evening.

"Thursday, June 18, 1863. -- Still very warm ; thunder-storm in evening, and a heavy rain.

"Friday, June, 19. -- Cool and pleasant this morning; orders came to be under arms and to drill from four to five o'clock A. M. and from six to seven P. M.; afternoon battalion drill.

"Camp Schaefer, Tennessee, Saturday, June 20,1863. -- Drilled as per orders in forenoon; afternoon, cleaned up for Sunday; very warm.

"Camp Schaefer, June 21, 1863. -- Clear and beautiful this morning; had company inspection; Captain McNutt preached at ten A. M.; Sunday school at two P. M.; spent the day writing and talking.

"Camp Schaefer, Monday, June 22, 1863. -- So cool that it seemed almost cold enough for frost; all quiet; have orders to drill before Sheridan's head-quarters at four P. M. to-morrow; drilled often during the day.

"Camp Schaefer, Tennessee, Tuesday, June 23. -- Intensely warm and dusty; wrote, making out muster and pay rolls; at four P. M. received orders to be ready to move again (by) midnight, the men to march in light order, with wool and gum blanket and three days' rations, nine days' rations to be taken in the wagons; drilled before Sheridan's head-quarters; a perfect triumph. Sheridan complimented the regiment by sending it an order, stating that he did not believe it could be beat in the department. All the moves -- forty-one in number -- were executed without a mistake. Back to camp; before we slept, we packed up ready to move ; think we will go in the morning."

We copied more than we intended, at this time, from the diary, but concluded to bring the statement down to the date of the forward movement (June 24th), and by copying the diary we probably get a more condensed and accurate statement of the events us they occurred. We have already noted the proficiency of Major Presson as a drill-master. Sheridan had become apprised of his ability in that line, as well as of the success he had

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met with in bringing the 73d up to the standard of A No. 1 in drill. Hence the order for the regiment to drill before the general's head-quarters. Presson had become lieutenant-colonel before this date, a fact not stated until now. In matters of drill, the regiment and its lieutenant-colonel understood and had confidence in each other, and that being "half the battle," explains how it came about that the letter which we copy below was written and sent to the regiment, after the drill was over:

"HEAD-QUARTERS THIRD DIVISION, TWENTIETH ARMY CORPS, "CAMP NEAR MURFREESBORO, June 23, 1863.

"COLONEL, -- I am instructed by Major-General Sheridan to say that he witnessed the drill of your regiment to-day, and was pleased to observe the perfection in military maneuvers which it has attained. The general commanding believes that in drill it is not excelled in this division; and in saying this, he feels confident it is not excelled in the army. I have the honor, Colonel, to be your obedient servant,

"GEORGE LEE, Captain and Acting Adjutant-General. "To LIEUTENANT-COLONEL W. A. PRESSON, Commanding 73d Illinois Infantry Volunteers."

Wednesday, June 24, 1863, a drizzling and rather cold rain was falling. Orders had been received to have all dispensable articles packed by five A. M., ready to be sent to the rear. Orders complied with fully, and at 6.30 A. M. we fell in and marched off, leaving a number behind who would have gladly accompanied us, had health and strength permitted. The army started southward from Nashville and Triune, on the Nashville and Shelbyville pike; from Murfreesboro it followed the Murfreesboro and Manchester, and the Murfreesboro and Shelbyville pikes. We -- Sheridan's division -- moved on the pike last named. About seven miles out our skirmishers encountered those of the enemy, on a

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range of hills. At 10.30 A. M. we formed line of battle. In this one position we remained until two P. M., a very cold rain falling during the full time. Cannonading was actively going on to our front, right, and left, at the three points where the different roads passed through the range of hills at gaps, or natural depressions, in the same. The cannonading and other racket in our front was inconsiderable, or at least less than on our right or left. Our forces gained the gap in our front, suffering only a slight loss. At two P. M. we moved to the left, in the direction of Liberty Gap. In doing so, we crossed the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, at a small town named Chester. We passed on eastwardly some three miles, and halted near Millersburg at 5.30 P. M., on the Murfreesboro and Manchester road. Rain fell without intermission or "let-up," making the roads sloppy and the ground very wet. We were directed to prepare for the night. As we happened to be located in front of a farm or plantation house, or houses, we soon had nearly all the out-houses unroofed, to get material to keep us out of the water, while trying to snatch a few hours of sleep. The cannonade kept up at Liberty Gap until dark; and the rain came down with regularity and precision until morning. Liberty Gap was won by our forces, with a loss of from forty to forty-five in killed and wounded. The enemy doubtless suffered much less.

On the morning of Thursday, June 25th, it was still raining, making our condition extremely unpleasant. All quiet up to noon, and no orders to move. At two P. M. we could hear cannonading off in the direction of Wartrace. At four P. M. the rain ceased and appearances indicated fair weather. We received orders to be ready to move at five P. M., with two days'

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rations in our haversacks. The cannonading grew more and more steady and brisk, averaging about two shots per minute. At six P. M. we were still waiting to move, and were ready. It was reported that Johnson's division was attacked by the rebels, their purpose being to dispossess him of the ground he occupied yesterday. They did not succeed in dislodging Johnson, but he drove them back. At eight P. M. we had orders to move, and started immediately; but before going three hundred yards the order was countermanded, and we returned to our position, where we remained until the morning of June 26th.

At three A. M. of the 26th we were to be ready to move out. We were up early, had coffee and crackers. All quiet at the front. A drizzling rain kept falling early in the day, but later increased and poured down in torrents. At six A. M. our train started; our division, being detailed to guard it, did not get under way until near ten o'clock. The ground was covered with water, and the rivulets were overflowing, so great had been the rain-fall since ten A. M. At noon the rain ceased falling, and shortly afterward we halted for an hour at the plantation of a regular "old secesh," who, with his three sons, were in the rebel army. At this point we left the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments, and, accompanied by the 44th, moved on, in nearly an eastern direction, until we came to the Murfreesboro and Manchester pike.

Later we came to Hoover's Gap -- so named for a man who owned six hundred acres of land in the vicinity -- which is four miles long, and formed by hills or knobs distributed along on each side of the pike; but in no instance were any two knobs exactly opposite

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each other, with reference to the pike. In other words, the pike ran through the gap on nearly a straight line. These knobs varied in height from one hundred to three hundred feet. Notwithstanding these seemingly good natural fortifications, and the fact that the enemy were on the defensive, and had a number of guns advantageously posted, our forces gained possession of Hoover's Gap with but slight loss.

Some rain fell during the afternoon. At six P. M. we halted on the right of the pike, on a beautiful slope. At eight P. M. there were some indications of fair weather for Saturday, June 27th. The rebels were retreating at dark, and we could hear the roar of cannon in the distance. Casualties of the day not ascertained.

At daylight, on the 27th, we were ready to march; moved out to the pike, and were ordered to halt and wait until the train passed. The rain was over, the sky clear, and the air cool; but the road was in a thoroughly soaked condition -- just right to be cut up by our heavy trains. At 7.15 A. M. we moved down the pike, passing some points where there had been heavy skirmishing, and one place where the rebels had thrown up earth-works on each side of the pike. At nine A. M. we came to Garrison's Fork of Duck River, thirteen miles from Manchester, where there had been a sharp engagement on the preceding day. Quite a number of the enemy had been killed in this engagement. One piece of their artillery had been dismounted, and another piece spoiled by being struck in the muzzle by a solid shot. We moved forward, leaving the pike to our left, taking a south-west course, going down Garrison's Fork. After crossing, we struck a pike, and passed on to a small

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town named Fairfield. Here, at 4.15 P. M., we encountered a force of the enemy. We formed line of battle in the following order, beginning on the right: 2d Missouri, 15th Missouri, 44th Illinois, with the 73d Illinois on the left, our left resting on the creek. The skirmishers and the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments moved cautiously forward. At 4.45 P. M., the 1st Brigade came up, making our division whole. General Sheridan was with us. While the sharp-shooters were making a charge, at 5.15 P. M., A. C. Nicholson, of Company C, was struck by a ball on the right shoulder near the center of the shoulder-blade, ranging directly for the left shoulder, where it was cut out, inflicting an ugly and severe wound. The rebel force consisted of mounted infantry, and was charged upon by the sharp-shooters and the skirmishers from the two Missouri regiments. The rebels "skedaddled" for their horses, leaving three men dead on the field. On our side three men were wounded. The rebel wounded were carried off.

At sunset we started for Manchester, fifteen miles distant, in a south-east course. We marched over a common dirt-road. We passed on slowly, at length coming to a heavy woods on each side of a deep hollow, through which the road passed. The hills on either side of the road ranged from one hundred to two hundred feet in height. Between the hills, or ridges, the valley was very narrow, not much wider than the road. The sky being clouded, and the road hedged in by hills and woods, made the route we traveled very difficult and gloomy. At 9.30 P. M. a heavy rain set in -- just poured down -- making the water, sand, and gravel from shoe-mouth to eight inches deep.

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No matter; we had to move on, with nothing dry on or about us -- except, perhaps, powder. We occasionally halted, to allow the teams and wagons to pass. Owing to the bad condition of the road, many wagons stuck, and double teaming had to be resorted to to get them on the way again. At thirty minutes past midnight we halted in the woods, all very nearly worried out. We could not have gone much farther. We spread down our gum blankets, two of us lying on one, and covering with another. Some first secured brush and green boughs to spread their blankets on, thus keeping off the soaked ground. This was no picnic or holiday excursion. In, a very disagreeable and uncomfortable manner we passed the residue of the night.

Sunday, June 28th, we were up at four o'clock A. M., the rain still falling, and but slight indication that it would cease. Our bivouac was eleven miles from Fairfield. We started out again at 5.30 A. M., and passed over some wretched roads. We crossed the barren forks of Duck Creek, near their junction, and soon after, at 10.30 A. M., halted to rest the remainder of the day. Our stopping-place was three-fourths of a mile west of Manchester, and near a splendid mill, at the falls on the East Fork. The water being abundant and close at hand, and in many places pouring down precipitous and rocky places, very many of the soldiers availed themselves of the opportunity to take a bath and do some cleaning up. More rain fell during the afternoon. A report gained circulation that the advance of our forces were within six miles of Tullahoma.

Monday, June 29th, the prospect for fair weather seemed better. All quiet in camp. We had an opportunity of sending letters back by the orderly sergeant

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of Company I. A. C. Nicholson, of Company C, was sent back to Murfreesboro. His wound, received on the 27th, at Fairfield, was a very painful one; but he was pretty lively notwithstanding. Before noon, orders to move were sent around. Our brigade started at twelve M., the 73d in the rear. A very heavy rain was falling, making our march exceedingly disagreeable. This shower, for a time, was the heaviest of the whole series of showers since the opening of the campaign. We passed through Manchester, and found it apparently large enough to number at least one thousand inhabitants, if they were only at home. The larger portion of the population was conveniently, if not necessarily, absent. On getting through town, we continued our march on a common dirt-road, which passed through a wilderness of black-jack woods and flats. The rain continued. Wagon after wagon stuck in the mud. Our movement was very slow, as we (with the 44th) were rear-guard.

On arriving within one mile of the place selected to stop at, orders came to detail two men from each company, and one commissioned officer from the regiment, to go and help the mules and train. Lieutenant Lawrence was the lucky officer. The regiment moved on, plodding its way through mud and water. Wading branches knee-deep was a frequent occurrence; so frequent, indeed, that the novelty of the thing wore off. The roads were very bad -- intolerably so -- if we could have helped it, or got away from them. It was often remarked: "Well, this beats our Illinois roads." Mules would go down the full length of their (hind) legs in the mud, and wagons to the axle. Eight, and sometimes ten, mules were required to pull the wagons out

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of the mire. The sun set, with no intervening clouds, just as we halted for the night, six miles from Tullahoma. We were very much wearied by the march, but, taking time, arranged for the night, and, after drying our clothes, retired. At time of halting we could hear heavy skirmishing in front of Tullahoma.

On the morning of June 30th we arose at four o'clock, and very soon after were under arms, in accordance with orders. All quiet. The night passed without rain, and indications were favorable as to weather. We failed to move during the day; had to wait for train. Cavalry passed out to the front early in forenoon; had a brisk skirmish, and then returned. By eleven A. M. indications as to weather were less favorable; a drizzling rain set in; but we had nothing to do but let it rain and lay quietly in camp. Had inspection of arms by companies at five o'clock P. M. Each man was found to have one gun in shooting trim, and forty rounds of cartridges. Rain still falling at dark. Our delay was occasioned in part by the need of repairs on the road, which the pioneers were putting in.

Wednesday, July 1st, the weather had become more favorable. All quiet in front; at least, there was nothing to indicate the contrary. Report in camp that Colonel Minty and General Wilder, with their cavalry, were in rear of the enemy at Tullahoma, cutting the railroad and destroying bridges. This interference with the rebel communications southward would force them to retreat or make a stand. At eleven A. M. we could distinctly hear cannonading in front of Tullahoma. The cannonading continued until one P. M. At two P. M. orders were received directing us to prepare for an immediate forward movement. At 2.15 we moved out left in front,

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to the rear of the train. Soon after we filed out, a report came that the enemy were leaving Tullahoma; that Sheridan, followed by the 3d Brigade, had ridden into the town. By 6.30 P. M. we reached and passed the rebel fortifications at Tullahoma. A portion of these earthworks were very heavy and built with a view to the mounting of at least twelve siege guns. Two heavy guns, unspiked, were left on or near the works. The carriages to these had been burned. The rebels had gotten another large gun a portion of the way to the railroad depot; but, being pressed for time, it, too, was abandoned, and its carriage burned. Two other guns were on the platform at the railroad station, ready for shipment, but lack of time on the part of the enemy and other more pressing matters prevented. It was understood that Bragg and Breckinridge consulted together on June 29th, and decided to retreat; the ground for such decision being that their force was insufficient to meet that of Rosecrans.

About four hundred and fifty prisoners fell into our hands; also, a number of good wall-tents, three hundred sacks of meal, and one hundred sacks of salt. Tullahoma is situated in the black-jack flats, which are very poor and unproductive. On this date our march was exceedingly disagreeable and laborious. We passed through hollows and dense woods, where there was but little air, and that little so motionless as to make no breeze. It was the warmest day of the year up to date. Arriving at a point some distance south of town, we gladly halted, and went into camp at sunset. Had orders to be ready to march at three o'clock A. M.

Thursday, July 2d, we arose early, agreeably to orders; had breakfast, and moved out at 3.30 A.M., left

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in front; the 73d Regiment in front of brigade and division. We moved southward on the Winchester road, and soon came to the place where the rebels had been encamped. Evidences of great haste, of a "skedaddle" in fact, on the part of the enemy, were apparent. The old camp was strewn with tents, mess-chests, and camp and iron kettles, and other articles. Along the road were papers and letters torn up, also articles of clothing and some blankets scattered here and there, showing that the army of Bragg was making good time, in light marching order, to Chattanooga, or some other defensible point. General Sheridan and staff passed us, giving orders to march on quick time. It was thought the enemy's rear guard might be overtaken, as it could be but a few hours in advance. We soon came on to some rebel stragglers, roaming along through the woods carelessly, and doubtless anxious to give themselves up. At Winchester Springs, thirteen miles from Manchester, we came to a halt, at 10.15 A. M. Here we learned that the bridge across Elk River had been burned. It was reported, too, that the river was not fordable. Therefore, our quick time had accomplished or saved nothing. At two P. M. we about-faced, on moving out, and took a cross-road, leading to a more shallow ford, about three miles farther up the river. By order of General Sheridan, a heavy rope was stretched across the stream; it was fastened firmly at each end, and was supported or held up near the middle of the stream by the roots of a tree, which had lodged there. Then we bundled up our things, some of them, and carried them high; kept them aloft, especially the cartridges, as we waded the stream, holding on to the rope as a support to steady ourselves and enable us to stem the swift current of

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water. Company A, of the 73d, led the way, being followed successively by the other companies. We found the water waist-deep to a six-footer. On getting across, we waited for the remainder of the brigade to get over. The cavalry soon reported the enemy a short distance to our front, in fortifications near the railroad.

Our brigade was ordered forward, the 73d next after the skirmishers to our right; the 44th Illinois, and the 2d and 15th Missouri, at right angles to our left. Advancing, we soon came in sight of the fort, and a few tents, but no rebels or artillery were visible. We moved up cautiously. The left wing of the regiment was pushed to the front, and the right wing was left about one-fourth of a mile to the rear, as a precautionary measure. Company B went into the fort on the double-quick, finding it very recently evacuated. Two cannon had been mounted in the fort; some rifle-pits and other works had been commenced, with a view to commanding or covering the railroad bridge over Elk River. On the opposite side of the river there was a similar fort, and, judging from the indications, there had been a brigade of the enemy encamped in the vicinity. We moved back near the fort, where we had crossed the river, and halted, and made preparations to spend the night. From our camp a range of mountains was visible. This range looked beautiful, as it stretched out in the dim distance, from the south-west to the north-east. It was said to be twelve miles off. We had "hard-tack" and coffee for supper. One chicken -- the last one, no doubt, in that neighborhood -- surrendered to an orderly sergeant of the "Preacher Regiment," and helped out greatly with the supper in that orderly's mess, of which the writer was a member for the time being.

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Near Estill's Springs, Tennessee, Friday, July 3d. -- Rain was still falling when we arose from our scant beds. Breakfast over, we marched at six A. M. The 73d was in the rear of division. We passed down the Winchester road, waded the Boiling Fork of Elk River, and at 9.30 A. M. we halted in the suburbs of Winchester, where we remained until one o'clock P. M. On starting again, we passed through Winchester, a pretty village, a county-seat with an ordinary court-house. In the town some signs of loyalty, but more of disloyalty, to the Union were visible. The country immediately surrounding the town was beautiful -- rather romantic, in fact. Winchester and vicinity was the place of nativity of some of the residents of Edgar and Vermilion Counties, Illinois.

Getting Winchester behind us, we moved in a southeast course, with Cowan Station as our destination. When about one and one-fourth miles from Winchester, we struck the Boiling Fork of Elk River again -- this time near to a point where our cavalry and the rebels had a skirmish in the morning. In this skirmish four Federal soldiers were wounded; three horses were killed. What loss the enemy suffered, if any, was not ascertained. We passed up the valley of Elk River, within a short distance of the mountain, until we arrived at Cowan, a station near the point where the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad crossed the river. At sunset we halted at a place the rebels had left that morning. During the day a few prisoners had been captured by our cavalry. As was usually the case, but little information could be obtained from these prisoners respecting the movements or intentions of the enemy, and that

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little, no doubt, was misleading. We were all thoroughly tired, and glad to stop for the night.

Camp near Cowan, Tennessee, Saturday, July 4th. -- We were up by four o'clock and breakfasted later. Had orders to stop for the day, and rest and wash our clothing, and clean up generally. It was necessary, too, that we await the arrival of our supply-train. At eleven A. M. rain begain falling. At noon a salute of thirteen guns was fired by the battery at Sheridan's head-quarters, in honor of Independence-day. During the day our cavalry pushed forward eight miles, and caught up with the rear guard of Bragg's force in the mountains. A sharp skirmish was had, in which our forces captured ninety prisoners, a brass band and musicians. Our losses were about twenty killed and wounded. The rebels had felled trees across the road, to hinder and delay our cavalry. Had all our army been ready to press right on vigorously, the enemy might have been deprived of a considerable portion of his artillery. At least, this was the opinion of one of our spies. Considerable rain again at night. The frequent showers just about this time must have had something to do in producing and maturing the very large wild blackberries, so abundant in the woods, along the railroad, and in the fence-corners. Four or five of the largest of these berries was all an ordinary tin-cup would hold.

Sunday, July 5, 1863.-- We received orders to go on picket. On the way to our picket post or station, we crossed Elk River. There was no disturbance during the day. At about eleven A. M. rain began falling, and continued to fall, at intervals, during the remainder of the day. Our cavalry at the front

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reported that numbers of deserters from Bragg's army were in the mountains. They desired to reach their homes, if possible, without having to give themselves up, or being paroled, thus obviating an exchange and a return to the service, of which they were heartily tired.

On Picket, Monday, July 6th. -- It rained steadily during the latter part of the night. A portion of the time it rained very hard, giving us a thorough drenching, and making matters very unpleasant for us on the picket-line. We were relieved from picket at eight A. M., by the 2d Missouri; then returned to camp, and began trying to become sociable once more. The provision train had failed to come up, and, as a consequence, we were putting up with less than half rations, not including blackberries. Scarcity of rations did not tend to the engendering of sociability among soldiers. On the contrary, it induced and promoted growling, grumbling, find fault-finding generally. But this was not always seriously meant. The soldiers understood the situation, but would have something to say about the short-comings of officers and mules. The long coming of rations was sometimes a severe test to the patience of the hungry and tired men.

Tuesday, July 7th, Camp near Cowan Station, Tennessee. -- The weather was more favorable. All quiet in camp. No train or provisions reported to date. We were reduced to the necessity of foraging and "browsing" for a living. Our supply of hard-tack was very small, averaging not more than one cracker to the man. We had plenty of meat, and of blackberries we had an abundance, and knew where more could be gathered. We had another dashing rain at one P. M. The ground was all thoroughly soaked, softened, and saturated with

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water. Three provision wagons were lost -- the provisions, too -- in an effort to cross them over Elk River. Three men were drowned at the same time and place, and likewise all the mules -- eighteen, probably -- belonging to the three teams or wagons. After this occurrence, we had no expectation that our supply-train would arrive within a week from date. At four P. M. we could hear the roar of cannon in the direction of Tullahoma. Some thought General Thomas was attacked; while others thought, from the regularity of the firing, that it was a salute to an officer of high rank, military or civil. Before sunset, however, all was explained; a report reached camp, and spread rapidly from company to company and from regiment to regiment, to the effect that Pemberton had surrendered Vicksburg and his army to General Grant on the 4th inst. The report further represented that the rebel army under General Lee had been overthrown at Gettysburg. At dusk an official dispatch was received from the War Department, signed by E. M. Stanton, fully confirming the report. Our regiment and all others began cheering and kept it up until late at night. Our band played "Yankee Doodle" and several other patriotic pieces. We all felt so well pleased that sleep was scarcely thought of, and short rations were entirely forgotten.

Early on Wednesday, July 8th, we were awakened by the firing of a salute at General Sheridan's headquarters in honor of the late victories; thirteen rounds for Grant's success at Vicksburg, and thirteen for Meade's success at Gettysburg, and thirteen more for General Rosecrans. The roar of cannon was heard off in the direction of Winchester and Tullahoma, proclaiming over valley and mountain the good news. There

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was a dispatch received which more fully confirmed the news.

The supply-train failed to arrive. By some means, through some streak of good-fortune, we were enabled to draw a lot of crackers, about one-half cracker to each man. Rain fell in the afternoon. With the exception of one day, it had rained every day since we left Murfreesboro. The roads were impassable, never worse in Illinois; it was a regular embargo of mud. The next thing to hope for and expect, was the arrival of the train from Nashville and Murfreesboro, as the railroad was being put in order as rapidly as the rainy weather would admit.

The morning of Thursday, July 9th, opened up with a clear sky, but there was a heavy fog. We were sent to the picket-line, to relieve the 44th Illinois. Near eleven A. M. word came that Sheridan's 3d Brigade had started for Bridgeport, and that our brigade would follow next morning. The picket-line was drawn in, shortened, in order to connect and cover the front or space left vacant by the withdrawal of the 3d Brigade pickets. Weather favorable, and a better prospect that it would remain so for awhile than we had noted since June 24th. A portion of our train, which had arrived, was immediately sent back to Elk River for more rations, with orders to return before morning.

Friday, July 10th. -- Still on picket. The sky was clear and the weather pleasant. Much mirthfulness was provoked among the boys by the antics of a blue rat, which had run up a large hickory-tree near them. William Martin, of Company C, climbed the tree to the height of about fifty feet, and after considerable labor succeeded in shaking the rat off. It ran into a bed

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where Allison and A. Jones were lying. After chasing it from there, it was very closely pursued by a number of the boys, when, as a last resort, his ratship darted suddenly up the leg of Claib. Madden's pantaloons, and up Claib. Madden's leg, too. Claib. grasped the rat and held it until some of the other boys caught it by the tail and pulled it out. Luckily, the rat did not bite Claib. The memorandum does not disclose what the rat's fate was, but it is quite probable it did not cross the Tennessee River, or survive the Battle of Chickamauga.

At 7.30 A. M. we were relieved from picket by the 2d Missouri. On arriving at camp, we found all quiet. Our provision train came up in the afternoon, which was a cause of great gratification to us all, as we were entirely out of "hard-tack," officers and men all faring alike, as far as rations were concerned. No further news from the Potomac, beyond a confirmation of that before received. The day passed without rain. While at Cowan Station, the men of the regiment got a satisfying portion of "band music;" almost a surfeit, so to speak. Some of the boys expressed the wish that the 73d had never had a brass band. Well, the musicians did come very near putting in full time practicing, and trying to become proficient in their line. It was well, in view of the fact that all of the instruments and a few of the musicians were captured in the next battle.

Camp near Cowan, Tennessee, July 11th. -- The sky was cloudy and the weather cooler. One-half the regiment -- one-half of each company -- detailed to go on picket. We were still expecting to change from camp life and living, and move toward the front. Rations for three days were drawn. The 2d and 15th Missouri

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Regiments struck tents and moved forward in the afternoon, leaving the 44th and the 73d behind with the 1st Brigade.

July 12th. -- There was considerable fog, and strong indications of rain, on this date. No orders to move. The remainder of the regiment ordered to the picket-line. At one o'clock P. M., a shower of rain fell. A report was current in camp that one of General Sheridan's aides was captured, to our front, while out picking blackberries. On investigation, the report was found to be erroneous. A squad of the Pioneer Corps were out perambulating around, and halted at a shed near the residence of an old citizen, to take shelter from the rain. On seeing them, the old man came out, and then, with characteristic politeness and true Southern hospitality, invited the Pioneers in and asked them to remain until after dinner. This done, he sent a Negro to the mountains to give notice to a guerrilla band to come down and capture the party. The guerrillas soon arrived, intending, doubtless, to surround the house before dismounting. Somehow, the suspicions of the Federals were awakened, and they endeavored to escape by scattering and running, not taking time to secure their horses. The guerrillas fired, wounding a lieutenant and two or three privates, and took two or more prisoners and captured all the horses. A squad went out in the evening, late, to look for the guerrillas, but did not overhaul any of them. All quiet.

July 13th. -- On picket. Weather cool, and rather pleasant. Were relieved from picket at 7.30 A. M., by the 44th Illinois. We went to camp, and soon afterwards drew rations; we drew full rations this time, being the first full rations we had drawn since leaving

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Murfreesboro. Reports from the Army of the Potomac represented General Mead as having a series of successes, and likely to capture that part of Lee's army north of the river. Rains, immediately after the battle of Gettysburg, had swollen the Potomac and rendered it an obstacle to Lee's retreat. That part of Lee's army north of the Potomac was too considerable for General Mead's cavalry to capture entire.

Tuesday, July 14th. -- About one-half the regiment on picket again. On this date our regimental camp was moved a short distance to a better place, near Sheridan's head-quarters. The news from the Eastern army continued favorable. The Guerrilla Morgan, with 4,800 men, was reported to be moving rapidly on Hamilton, Ohio.

Wednesday, July 15th. -- Dispatch received early in the day, stating that Port Hudson was ours, with 18,000 prisoners. That portion of the regiment on picket was relieved at sunset, and soon after orders to get ready to move to Anderson the next day were received. On this date a number of the regiment who were not on picket went out some two or three miles from camp on a foraging excursion.

Camp near Cowan, Thursday, July 16th. -- Weather pleasant early in the day. We were ready at 5.30 A. M. to start to Anderson to relieve two regiments of the 1st Brigade stationed there, to protect the pioneers while repairing the railroad. The 44th and 73d got started at 6.30 A. M., taking three days' rations with them; each man was required to take his gum blanket. The route taken was the railroad track. Two miles from Cowan Station is the point where the railroad passes the mountain by going through the Cumberland Tunnel.

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This tunnel was cut through solid rock a distance of 2,228 feet. It was finished in the year 1852, and four years' time was spent in cutting through the mountain. Thomas G. Bates was the engineer that superintended the construction of the tunnel. A large shaft extends from the top of the mountain down into the tunnel. We found it quite dark as we marched through the tunnel. Our regimental band enlivened the march as we passed through by playing "Yankee Doodle." After emerging into daylight again, we soon reached a point where the rebels had burned three bridges that had been near together; the small mountain stream being very crooked, cut across the road that number of times in a very short distance. The third and last bridge burned was near Tantalon, the point half-way from Cowan to Anderson. The bridges were all repaired by a squad of pioneers, whose head-quarters were at Tantalon. After leaving Tantalon, where we halted for a short time, we passed down a valley between two considerable mountain ranges. At intervals along the route the scenery was very romantic and beautiful. There were some small tracts of bottom-land under cultivation, farmed after a fashion somewhat antiquated. At two P. M. we arrived at Anderson, which is fifteen miles from Cowan, and one hundred and two from Nashville. It is a very small place, located on Crow Creek, twenty-one miles by railroad, and thirteen miles by dirt-road, from Bridgeport, Alabama. It took the name Anderson from the fact that a wealthy planter and large landholder by that name lived in the immediate vicinity. Our stopping-place was on the mountain-side, to the right of the railroad. Captain Morgan and Lieutenant Kyger went some three hundred yards south of camp,

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and made their foot-prints for the first time in Alabama, our bivouac being located but a short distance north of the line. We were all very tired in consequence of our march along the railroad; stepping from tie to tie lengthened our steps, and caused us to touch or alight on the ties with increased force, making the march more fatiguing and unpleasant.

Camp at Anderson, Tennessee, Friday, July 17th. -- On this date we got up as early as four o'clock. The weather was quite cool. It was rather more comfortable to sit near a fire than to do otherwise. All quiet at eight A. M. Companies I and C went on duty as look-out guards; Company I was posted out east of town, and Company C was stationed on the railroad north of town. Soon after getting posted at the railroad, three men came to our line; one of them had belonged to Bragg's army, and wanted to give himself up. He reported that Bragg would not again give us battle; that his army was thoroughly whipped and disheartened. He said, furthermore, that it was the general opinion among Tennesseeans that the war was about to close. Perhaps it would never have commenced had the Tennesseeans, and Southerners generally, all been like this man. However, there were very many repentant rebels, among the soldiers especially, who claimed they had been deceived. Others were, no doubt, sick of the job, but would not acknowledge it. While playing the part of look-out guards, we had a very good time.

Anderson Station, Tennessee, Saturday, July 18th. -- We arose early on this date, and shortly after daylight received orders to start back to Cowan at 6.30 A. M. Moved promptly, and after a hard march we reached Cowan at two P. M., all very tired. At 4.30 P. M.

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a locomotive from Murfreesboro arrived at the station, and after making a brief stop, went on to Tantalon with railroad iron for the bridges. This was the first engine that had passed southward beyond Cowan since Bragg's retreat. In camp we found things all right. Dispatches by the way of Chattanooga were reported as having been received at some Confederate head-quarters announcing the fall of Charleston, South Carolina.

On account of continued disability, Captain Patterson McNutt, of Company C, sent in his resignation. It was with much regret that he did this. The men of his company were ardently attached to him, as he was a true and fearless Christian man, and had proven faithful to the interests of his company as far as his failing health would permit.

Camp near Cowan, Sunday, July 19th. -- Were awakened at two o'clock A. M. by the sergeant-major. Orders were issued requiring us to march with three days' rations at four. The brigade was ready on time, but did not start until 4.30. We marched along on the railroad and passed through Cumberland Tunnel, and reached Anderson at 12.15 P. M. We halted at Tantalon and rested twenty-five minutes. Just after we got started from Tantalon an engine passed along with one platform car attached, General Sheridan and some twenty others on board, going to Stevenson. They halted at the Big Spring, and took on Colonel Laibold. We remained at Anderson one hour; then moved on southward into Alabama, and halted at four P. M. in the Crow Creek bottoms, three and a half miles from Anderson. The weather was extremely warm, the perspiration oozed profusely, and the march told on the boys fearfully, and we were all very glad

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to stop. General Sheridan and party passed us on the return trip, with locomotive and platform car. He had been beyond Stevenson and within four miles of Bridgeport, and found the railroad all right. But very few indications of loyalty on the part of citizens in the country could be detected. The people, perhaps, were waiting developments. They could not tell which way "the cat was going to jump." We bivouacked for the night of July 19th at the point where we made our first stop in Alabama.

Monday, July 20, 1863. -- We were awakened at two A. M., and received orders to march at four A. M. We were ready to march on time, or nearly so, but did not start until 5.15. There was some fog early in the day. Roads had improved somewhat and were rather smooth, and we made good headway. After marching three miles we halted at the crossing of Crow Creek to rest. It was a small but rich valley that we passed through on our march, and was in corn principally. We stopped at a bridge and relieved a squad of cavalry that was doing guard duty there. We spent the night at this bridge, within one mile of Stevenson.

The weather was very warm July 21st. A train of cars from the north was expected, but did not arrive. Quite a number of the regiment visited Stevenson, and, on returning to the bivouac, reported the town as being a small one, and very shabby and unattractive in appearance, and the inhabitants nearly all away from home. Six Union families were the sum total of residents remaining in the town. A portion of the regiment went out foraging late in the day and made a "good haul."

Weather still very warm on July 22d. A train

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passed along, with General Sheridan on board as one of the passengers. It was laden with provisions for the cavalry. On this date we arose early, the purpose being to move camp, but did not move until four P. M. A place nearer town, on the mountain side, was selected for our camp. It was well adapted to the use we put it to. We had a good rest during the night and got up at four o'clock on the morning of July 23d. Orders were sent around requiring pay-rolls to be made out, as the paymaster was expected. Orders obeyed. Weather very warm, but we managed to get along through the day by keeping as inactive as was possible, and at night rested fairly well, the temperature being then much cooler. On July 24th the regiment went on picket. Nothing unusual or unexpected transpired. Passed the night on picket, and were relieved at 7.30 on the morning of July 25th by the 15th Missouri.

Sunday, July 26th. -- Weather very warm; hot at midday. Many soldiers spent a considerable portion of the day at Crow Creek, bathing and washing clothes. Train came in at four P. M., with General Sheridan and Major Henry, paymaster, among the number on board. Mail was received daily, which served to relieve the tedium of camp living through the long days of summer. At 6.30 A. M., July 27th, we went on picket duty, relieved the 2d Missouri. On or about this date, it transpired that Lieutenant-Colonel Presson was seeking to have Fortune, of Company A, mustered or commissioned as first lieutenant of Company C, over Lawrence. Perhaps the lieutenant-colonel was only trying, at first, to see if Company C would take kindly, or otherwise, to the proposal. If so, he soon found out that Company C did not want a Fortune just

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then. The company may have had no objection to Fortune as an individual, but was unitedly opposed to the "principle of the thing," having men of her own capable and willing to fill the commissioned offices of the company. Some of the protests against the "bastard" proceeding were uttered in not very mild manner or language. The 2d Missouri was paid off on the picket-line; that portion of the regiment which was on picket received pay there.

Tuesday, July 28th. -- On picket. Some shooting, along the line, was indulged in by some of the boys of Company I. The shots were supposed to be aimed a little high, at stragglers and foragers who were trying to slip the lines. Were relieved by the 15th Missouri at 6.30 A. M. Went to camp, and received pay in the afternoon. All quiet.

At two A. M. of July 29th, we received orders to march at 2.15, with two days' rations. The 44th and 73d marched in the direction of Bridgeport. Colonel Laibold, with the sharp-shooters, was in the advance; the 44th came next, and the 73d brought up the rear. We arrived at the fortifications at six A. M. The 73d halted in the rear; the sharp-shooters went on to the bank of the river; the 44th took a position half-way between, in front of the fort. The rebel pickets were on the island, opposite Bridgeport, and fired at Colonel Laibold as he was making a survey or observation from the river bank through his field-glass. The colonel at once ordered the sharp-shooters to fire, and he also ordered a piece of artillery to take position near the railroad bridge. Two shells were fired at the end of that portion of the bridge which crossed the main channel from the opposite side of the island. The first shell

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struck the embankment near the end of the bridge, and burst, doing no perceivable damage; the second shell struck a barricade at the end of the bridge, and burst. Colonel Laibold said he saw two men fall. The colonel then ordered five more shots fired into the stockade on the island. The result was, the rebels all "skedaddled." At eight A. M. we started back, left in front, for Stevenson. We had a very disagreeable march, the weather being extremely warm. We reached Stevenson at 12.30 P. M. On this date a few members of the regiment came up from Murfreesboro, and brought our knapsacks with them. At six P. M. the job of paying the regiment was finished.

Thursday, July 30th. -- All astir in camp by sunrise. Very warm early in the day; had orders to get ready to march immediately, with three days' rations. We marched at eight A. M., the 73d in advance, followed closely by the 2d Missouri. We moved in the direction of Bridgeport, and arrived there at two P. M. It was a hot day, the most sultry of the season, and the march told severely on us. We took position near the old forts, on the heights overlooking the river and valley for miles around. We held a position naturally strong, and made more so by the three forts situated one hundred and fifty feet above the level of the river bottoms. The rebels were standing picket again, on the island opposite us, and we occasionally exchanged shots with them; but no damage was inflicted on either party as far as known. We found that part of the railroad bridge which extended from the island to the opposite side of the river, to be, apparently at least, in good condition. The rebels were in possession of that portion of the bridge. About two-thirds of the remainder of the

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bridge had been burned. Two spans were left standing in the river, disconnected from the island and the river bank.

The weather was more pleasant on the morning of July 31st. We went up the river to go on picket. Five sentinels were posted; one near the river bank opposite the rebel picket. Our man raised his voice to a high pitch, and got the attention of the "Johnny Reb," and propounded a series of questions -- some of them serious too -- to him, and received answers to most of them. At nine A. M. the 3d Brigade came and occupied our grounds, as it was expected to tarry awhile. We were relieved from picket at four P.M. We moved down the river a short distance, and bivouacked. General Lytle forbade firing at the enemy across the river. An expected railroad train failed to arrive.

We were up by the break of day on Saturday, August 1st, and had not long to wait for orders to companies H and C to go on picket duty again. At ten A. M. the 36th and 88th Illinois came to relieve us, and at four P. M., Companies C and H being first called in from the picket-line, we started back to Stevenson, the 2d Missouri in front. The last five miles were gone over with a kind of "whoop and hurrah" style, or a "harvest home" fashion. Just what was the occasion or excuse for the jubilation does not appear from the diary upon which we are drawing for facts. The time spent in marching that five miles is described as being "the most jovial time we have had since we have been in the service." Before dark we reached Stevenson, and halted east of our old camp. It being late, and the men weary of the march, acting Adjutant Winget went to division head-quarters and got permission for the regiment to take possession of the old camp for the

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night. On this date we received notice of the acceptance of Captain McNutt's resignation. Company C regretted very much that Captain McNutt's disabilities prevented his remaining with it.

Camp near Stevenson, Alabama, Sunday, August 2d. -- The weather was quite warm on this date. We did not move camp until afternoon. As it will not detract from the interest of this running history, and will be more convenient to us, we shall quote the diary -- Kyger's -- for several dates:

"At sunset I made arrangements with the lieutenant-colonel to have me ordered on business to Murfreesboro, that I might see Captain McNutt.

"Stevenson, Alabama, Monday, August 3, 1863. -- Still very warm. Made arrangements to go to Murfreesboro. Received $1,696 to express for the boys; and enough from others in the regiment to make $6,060. The company went on picket. Thirty-eight out of forty-one of the boys in favor of regular promotion in the company, rather than submit to the wishes of the lieutenant-colonel and receive Fortune, of Company A. I went down to the station to await the arrival of the train from Bridgeport, to take same for Murfreesboro. Took tea at the hotel, Alabama House, and waited very impatiently until twelve, midnight, for train, and retired.

"Alabama House, Tuesday, August 4, 1863. -- At 7.30 A. M. cars came from Bridgeport. Aboard and off. Found two regiments of 1st Brigade at Anderson; Rousseau's division at Cowan; Davis's at Winchester, and Johnson's at Tullahoma. Arrived at Murfreesboro at 6.30 P. M., and had supper and went to look after Captain McNutt. Went to his boarding-house -- Mrs. Baker's -- but, to my sad disappointment, captain had started for Indiana on the evening of 2d inst. Received permission to board at Mrs. Baker's; quite a nice place; she is a pleasant young widow; husband deceased only twelve months. Went up town; found it quite dull; back, and had a nice night's rest.

" Mrs. Baker's, Murfreesboro, Tennessee, Wednesday, August 5, 1863. -- Up early; cool. Worked all day preparing the money which I had brought down for the regiment, to be expressed; took it to the office, and took receipts for same. At four P. M. back

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to boarding-house, and wrote letters. An officer from Rousseau's division roomed with me. My health not good.

"Mrs. Baker's, Murfreesboro, Tennessee, Thursday, August 6, 1863. -- Very pleasant. This morning arranged the money for Company C, and expressed $1,696 in cash to Josiah Thompson. David McDonald also sent $35.

"Thanksgiving-day. -- Did not get to attend church. Had a nice Thanksgiving dinner -- a large turkey -- with a doctor from Illinois, and Neff, a sutler from the left wing. Had a nice time. Went to the general field hospital and the convalescent camp; found McDonald fat; he is going to return to the company with me. All business houses closed by order of the United States marshal until four P. M. After that I bought coat, pants, vest, shirt, and many articles for the boys -- paper, envelopes, tobacco, etc. Very weary at night; expect to start for the front in the morning.

"Mrs. Baker's, Murfreesboro, Tennessee, Friday, August 7, 1863. -- Up early. Up town before the stores opened. Met McDonald. He is all ready to go with me. Depot at 7.30 A. M.; on cars; off. At Decherd at 1.15 P. M. Missed the train for Stevenson. Will have to remain over night; quite a disappointment. No news.

"Decherd, Tennessee., Saturday, August 8, 1863. -- Had a good sleep at a hotel, and a breakfast to correspond. At nine A. M. we got aboard a construction-train, and reached Stevenson at three P. M., being detained at Cowan to await the train for Nashville. Found our regiment had changed camp during our absence to another and better place. General Sheridan ordered the change. He had moved his head-quarters here on the 5th.

NOTE. -- From this date Lieutenant-Colonel Presson's active connection with the regiment terminated. His resignation was duly forwarded, and on August 17th was accepted, and thereafter his connection with the regiment ceased entirely. It was much to be regretted that the lieutenant-colonel did not more fully control himself, as he was possessed of superior qualifications as an officer; but as matters turned out, the good of the service seemed to require his resignation.

On August 9th there were no events worthy of special mention. All quiet. The weather inviting.

For Monday, August 10th, the report for the 9th is equally applicable, except that General Sheridan gave Lieutenant-Colonel Presson the choice between sending

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in his resignation from the service and taking his chances with a court-martial. As indicated, the lieutenant-colonel preferred the former.

On Tuesday, August 11th, trains run out on the Memphis road twenty miles. Orders were sent around requiring each man to draw an extra pair of shoes. This was interpreted to signify an early forward movement. The same order also required ten days' rations to be kept on hand. The left wing of the army had been started to the front on this or the previous day. For the next four days (August 12th to 15th, inclusive,) the regiment did picket duty, keeping up or manning Stations Nos. Four and Five. A portion of the regiment, only, did picket duty at these stations at a time.

A hard shower of rain fell during the afternoon of August 16th.

The weather was more pleasant August 17th. Major James I. Davidson was to be commissioned as lieutenant-colonel, and Captain William E. Smith was chosen from the list of captains to be commissioned as major. The last camp established near Stevenson was styled "Camp Harrington."

On the 18th of August General Rosecrans visited Stevenson and Bridgeport. He also went out the Memphis Railroad on his little car, the "Dummy." It was reported that General Rosecrans expected to move his head-quarters to Stevenson. Just before dark, General Rosecrans returned from the points visited on the Memphis Railroad. The papers making T. D. Kyger captain, William R. Lawrence first, and D. A. Smith second lieutenants, respectively, of Company C, were returned from division head-quarters approved, and were at once forwarded to Springfield, Illinois, that commissions might

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be issued. In other companies of the regiment similar steps were no doubt taken in same or similar cases.

Stevenson, Alabama, Wednesday, August 19th. -- Company C relieved Company G from picket at Station No. Five. Three commissioned officers and six enlisted men called for from the regiment to report at corps headquarters, to receive instructions and get ready to go to Illinois, to bring drafted men to the regiment. Among those detailed for this duty were the two orderly sergeants of Companies C and H, and Lieutenant Turpin, of Company I. Who the other six were that constituted the detail, does not appear; and our data do not show that the detail went to Illinois immediately, or at all, for that matter. We know that David A. Smith, the orderly sergeant of Company C, did not go at all. Orders which we had received ten days previously, were renewed on this date. We were required to be ready for a forward movement at a moment's warning. The head-quarters of General Rosecrans were established at Stevenson on this date, as were also those of General Stanley. Troops were constantly moving and changing position along the line. The first passenger train since Bragg's withdrawal to the south and east side of the Tennessee River came through on this date.

Thursday, August 20th. -- Arose early on this date, and found the weather cool enough to make it comfortable to stand near a fire. All quiet in camp. A squad went out foraging, with a man named Ridge as guide; Lieutenant Lawrence, of Company C, was along. A "rare" time was had. Rosecrans, Sheridan, Stanley, Davis, McCook, and Johnson were in town. Army rapidly concentrated about Stevenson.

Weather cool, August 21st. The pioneer train came

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in on this date. There were many changes in position of the different commands; troops kept moving all day, and many extra trains of cars arrived. Passenger trains run through to Stevenson pretty regularly. A train went out twenty-five miles on the Memphis road. News of the fall of Charleston seemed to lack confirmation.

Weather still cool early on the 22d of August. Part of the regiment on picket. Orders were received to turn over all regimental baggage "to-morrow" -- August 23d. The indications of a forward movement increased. At eleven o'clock P. M. cannonading was heard off in the direction of Bridgeport.

That portion of the regiment which was on picket, was relieved at 6.30 on the morning of Saturday, August 23d. All dispensable articles and heavy baggage packed and stored away at Stevenson. The regiment remained quietly in camp, no further orders being received. It was again reported that Forts Wagner and Sumter were taken.

Part of the regiment went on picket again at 6.30 on the morning of August 24th; relieved Station No. Four -- a new place, and a new line.

Were relieved from picket at seven o'clock A. M., August 25th. Returned to camp. More or less rain fell during the day. Reports still received to the effect that things were progressing favorably in the vicinity of Charleston. There was quite a stir and commotion in and about Stevenson on this date, occasioned by the reports that our forces were in position before Chattanooga, on opposite side of the river.

Wednesday, August 26th. -- Cool weather, and strong wind. Regiment remained in camp; off duty. Unmistakable signs of a movement to the front.

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Thursday, August 27th. -- The weather was cool again on this date. Companies H and C went into the town of Stevenson to do provost guard duty. Had a difficult task, but came very near executing all orders. Arrangements were perfected, or nearly so, for laying the pontoons across the Tennessee River. Were relieved at eight A. M. from provost duty, by two companies of the 2d Missouri. Returned to camp. Work was done on the pay-rolls of the several companies of the regiment. During the afternoon General Rosecrans had a blind or screen of cedar-boughs put up across the railroad at the point of timber north-west of Stevenson; the object being to hide the laying of the pontoon across Crow Creek from the rebel signal posted on the heights on the opposite side of the Tennessee River. During the night a road was cut through to the river, at a point three and one-half miles from Camp Harrington, where pontoons were to be laid. The men in Camp Harrington were not aware of the cutting out of this road until after the work was completed. The work was done with great dispatch and celerity.

Saturday, August 29th. -- The weather remained quite cool in the early morning. By the dawn of day Rosecrans had a force of cavalry across the Tennessee River, which was soon re-enforced and supported by a brigade of infantry from Davis's division; the latter ferried across on the pontoon boats. Another brigade of infantry was awaiting the laying of the pontoon bridge. At daybreak the pioneers began work, and by noon the bridge was laid, and the other brigade crossed immediately, followed by its train. Scarcely any resistance was made to the crossing; the enemy's pickets fled to the mountains, except the few that were captured.

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Nothing definite could be heard from the advance of our forces. The obtaining of a foot-hold and base of operations on the opposite side of the river was regarded as a very decided triumph. High winds prevailed during the day; clouds of dust were flying, making it unpleasant.

Very cool on the morning of Sunday, August 30th; almost cold enough to make frost. At 7.30 A. M. a brigade of Davis's division marched by our camp on its way to join the brigade beyond the river. Part of the regiment went on picket at Stations Nos. Three and Five.

Up early on the morning of August 31st -- the last day of summer -- and were relieved from picket at eight A. M. Received orders to pack knapsacks and muster at 8.30 A. M., and march at nine. Sent knapsacks to Stevenson to be stored. Later the order to march at nine was countermanded, and the hour of four A. M., September 1st, fixed as the time to move out. The regiment did not muster until four P. M. Nothing out of the usual order took place during the closing hours of August, 1863, except the movement of troops from the rear to this point -- Stevenson -- to be ready to move farther to the front September 1st.

Tuesday, September 1st. -- We were up as early as two o'clock A. M., in order to be ready to march at four. Loaded wagons with five days' and haversacks with three days' rations. At 4.30 A. M. the regiment marched out on the road to Bridgeport. Dust was abundant in the road, and on either side, but the weather being only moderately warm, the march, was endurable. Arrived at Bridgeport at 9.30 A. M., and went into camp on a nice ridge immediately west of the forts. On this date the pontoon bridge had been

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laid from the island to the farther bank of the Tennessee. From the Bridgeport side a trestle bridge was in course of construction. The river was at a very low stage, being, perhaps, eleven feet in depth in the channel of the stream.

Wednesday, September 2d. -- Weather some warmer. The trestle bridge was completed on this date. Some officers of the regiment, including Captains Motherspaw, Bennett, and Kyger, crossed the river early in the day, and returned in time to get ready to move with the command. The trestle-work portion of the bridge was about thirteen hundred feet long; the remainder being pontoon. At 9.30 A. M. orders were received to march at one P. M., with two days' rations in haversacks. We were in line at 1.30 P. M. The 1st and 3d Brigades crossed the river first; then, at 3.30 P. M., our 2d Brigade followed, which placed Sheridan's division entirely eastward of the Tennessee River. Soon after getting across the river the march was resumed, and continued until a point in the immediate neighborhood of a nice spring of water was reached, when a halt was called, and the regiment, with others, went into camp, about four miles from Bridgeport. At the time of turning aside to go into camp, word was received to the effect that a part of the trestle-work of the bridge had given way, fallen in, precipitating four mule-teams into the stream, drowning one mule, which was all the damage or loss sustained, except the damage done to the bridge. The accident resulted from some imperfection or insecurity of the connection between the trestle-work part and the pontoon part of the bridge. At dusk the 2d Division of General Thomas's corps came up and halted near us. This division had crossed

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the river on pontoon bridge near Stevenson. We were all very weary of the march, although it was a short one, but the weather being very warm and dry, and the dust all pervading, made the tramp exceedingly taxing and disagreeable. It was ascertained that it was probably not less than twelve miles to the nearest armed rebels.

Weather more pleasant on the morning of Thursday, September 3d. On this date a portion of General Thomas's Corps began to clamber up the steep side of Sand Mountain. Four, and sometimes five, span of horses were hitched to one piece of artillery, to drag it up the mountain road. The men and boys of the regiment had a jolly time playing and otherwise amusing themselves in the beautiful gravelly plat, at the foot of Sand Mountain, which raised its summit to the height of several hundred feet. At 3.30 P. M. news was received that the bridge was again ready for trains to cross on. At night-fall our train came up with rations and some other supplies that had been left behind. A report was current in camp that old Gunter, the leader of a "bushwhacking band," had been captured by a detachment of the 9th Pennsylvania Cavalry. This band had been a source of annoyance and anxiety to our foragers, pickets, and scouts, also to Union families on both sides of the Tennessee.

We were up at daylight on September 4, 1863. A cool breeze was blowing from the north. The teams belonging to Sheridan's division went back to Bridgeport for rations, and orders were issued for three days' rations to be drawn and put in haversacks. Same order required us to get ready to start over Sand Mountain at ten A. M. Our brigade did not move on

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this date, but awaited orders. Captains Motherspaw and Kyger went to the foot of the mountain at the point where the road strikes it. The 1st and 3d Brigades had gotten their artillery up the mountain, and their trains headed toward the road, ready to move up during the night. One regiment was waiting at the foot of the mountain for the purpose of helping the mules up with the train during the night.

September 5th. -- The 73d Regiment was astir early on this date. Weather cool; also a very heavy dew, which dropped from the tree-tops, when swayed by the wind, almost as if a shower of rain was falling. Regiment remained quietly in bivouac until noon, at which time orders came to move to the foot of the mountain. The regiment moved promptly, with the exception of Company C, which was left behind to act as rear guard to train when it came along, which was not until 3.30 P. M. At five P. M. the train having passed, Company C started, and came up with regiment at foot of mountain. Four men were detailed to each wagon, to help the mules with the train up the rugged mountain road. Balance of regiment followed, and by eight P. M. had reached the top of the mountain. The train, likewise, got up all right in good season, the men co-operating with the mules when necessary. From an old mountaineer we learned that Chattanooga was thirty miles distant. Same man had heard that Bragg had left with his army for Rome or Atlanta. We moved on four miles farther, and halted for the night. The road was comparatively good on top the mountain, with the exception that it was very sandy.

Up at three o'clock on the morning of September 6th. Had orders to march at four A. M., but did not

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get under way until five. Weather cool early in the day; the dust, however, was a drawback, and made the marching exceedingly disagreeable. Some of the views we got while passing along the elevated highway -- truly a high way -- were beautifully grand. Oak, pine, and cedar trees covered the mountain top on either side of the road. Here and there huts, built of logs, could be seen, generally somebody living or staying in them. Near by each hut would be a patch of cleared land, indifferently cultivated. To an Illinoisian it looked like a hard place to live, or make a living. We came to the Georgia line at 6.45 A. M. We were marching in a south-east course, on the road to Trenton, still on the table-land. At 7.30 we came to the eastern slope of Sand Mountain, having traveled nine miles since leaving the western slope. On going down the eastern slope of the mountain we found the road very rough in places. We passed several broken wagons, that had been crushed in making the descent of the difficult road. Shortly after nine o'clock A. M. we reached the foot of the mountain, passed General Negley's head-quarters, some troops of his division, and the 3d Brigade of our division, and halted within one-quarter of a mile of Trenton, to remain one hour. On the way to this point we passed an old rebel camp, where a halt had been called on the retreat from Tennessee. At 10.15 A. M. we resumed our march, and passed through the little village of Trenton, county-seat of Dade County, Georgia. Eight or ten houses, besides an ordinary court-house, was all the town contained. From Trenton we passed on, going directly southward up the valley two miles; our brigade in front, and the 73d in front of brigade.

At 11.30 we halted at a farm-house, which betokened

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a wealthy owner, as far as appearances went. We rested one-half hour in a beautiful grove, then took the rocky and dusty road, and moved slowly on. The heat was oppressive in the valley. Many of the men had to drop out; and at one P. M. the number of men present with the regiment at the head of the marching column did not much exceed one hundred. At 2.30 P. M. we bivouacked six miles south of Trenton, on Lookout Creek. Lookout Mountain was to the east, and Sand Mountain to the west of us. Two divisions of General Thomas's Corps reported to General McCook. All of our (Sheridan's) division arrived, and went into camp, near at hand. Were called out at 3:30 on the morning of the 7th of September, to get ready to march at five. Started on time, the 73d in rear of brigade. We moved up Lookout Valley toward Lebanon; the road ran nearly due southward. The soil in the valley was rich and very productive. After marching six miles, we halted at a point near where we crossed Lookout Creek, thirty miles from Lebanon. We encountered no armed rebels, and but few citizens; nearly all the male population in the Confederate army. Had a much-needed rest, after which we changed position a short distance to the front, in an open field. Lieutenant-Colonel Davidson gave expression to the opinion that we would remain at that point during the afternoon and night. No armed rebels were anywhere to be seen. They were reported to be in force on the mountain to our front, ready to contest our passage further in that direction. It is quite probable, however, they would have allowed as many of our troops to pass eastward of Lookout Mountain as their force could have cut off and captured. With the exception of Companies C and I,

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the regiment went on picket. The companies named were excused from picket in this instance on account of having helped the mules with the train up Sand Mountain.

The weather was more pleasant on the morning of September 8th, attributable to the light shower which fell during the afternoon of the 7th. No orders; all quiet. Part of the regiment went on picket at noon. No trustworthy news from the front. Report current that Chattanooga was evacuated. Favorable reports received from the vicinity of Charleston, South Carolina. On Wednesday, September 9th, the weather was agreeable. Some changes were made in camp, with a view to the comfort of the men.

In the afternoon J. J. Goullee and J. Dolby, of Company H, and Geo. W. Martin and Captain Kyger, of Company C, started on an independent scouting expedition up one of the highest and most romantic portions of Lookout Mountain. A guide, in the person of a boy belonging in a family living near the foot of the mountain, was procured. The boy was a regular mountaineer; knew nothing else but mountain. The party ignored the road and moved up the rough and rocky side of the mountain very slowly, passing through pine woods and quite a variety of timber, oak predominating. After proceeding about one mile the party came to a large ledge of projecting rock. With much effort, putting the foot in niches in the rocks, grasping hold of shrubs and pulling up, the ledge of rock was surmounted, and a very fine view of the valley below was obtained. As far as the eye could see, the scenery in all directions was exceedingly attractive and grand.

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We copy from diary -- Kyger's -- as follows:

"To our front lay Fox Mountain, about six miles long, and about midway between Sand and Lookout. It is pretty nearly as high as the point we are on. Beyond is Deer Head Valley. We left this position to reach the top of another ledge that hung over us. Here we left two boys of Company -- , who had come after us. They got their curiosity satisfied. Our guide followed around the ledge of rocks, taking us to a narrow passage, looking as though it was formed by the high ribs of rock dividing, slipping apart about eighteen inches; through this we were to pass, up at an angle of about forty-five degrees, fifty feet. This narrow passage had a ceiling overhead, off of which I broke a piece for a relic.We slowly ascended, reaching a point where the passage turned to the right, and passed on to another table. Here we had another fine view. Not satisfied with this, four of us started up again. Here our guide ‘played out.’We went on without one, stepping from crag to crag, holding to stunted shrubs to assist us on our passage. Here we came to a gentle slope, covered with timber and brush, which we soon passed; thence to another high cliff, which we had to ascend, that would bring us to the top. We were eager to reach it, and hurried on; arrived on the table-land, or rock, at four P. M., two hours being occupied in our ascent. This point gave us still more romantic views, to the front, right, and left, over the valley. We could see in the dim distance a range of the Cumberland Mountains, beyond the Tennessee River. We could see all our camps up and down the valley for miles. Our brigade was so far below us as to look as though it was but a regiment. We found the table-land rocky, with a stunted growth of oak-timber on it. We did not go far. It is five miles to where it descends into the valley on the east. Remained on top one-half hour, and then commenced our descent, passing away the time, when we would stop to rest, by starting huge rocks to rolling down; they would go bumping against the trees and rocks as far as we could see them [and much farther]. We reached camp at six P. M., feeling well paid for our trip."

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On Thursday, September 10th, the regiment was up at three, to be ready to march at five A. M. Did not get off until seven. The 3d Division all moved out, our 2d Brigade in the rear; the 73d, "left in front," led the brigade. Assistant Surgeon Rich, who had resigned on account of ill-health, left the regiment on this date for his home in Illinois.

On getting fairly started, we marched southward up Lookout Valley. The rate of speed for three miles was not rapid, but on making this distance and after a short halt, orders came to push forward as hurriedly as possible. The roadside soon became lined with soldiers, from all the regiments, who were unable to keep up. Another halt, after marching five miles over a hard, gravelly road. The heat of the sun was severe, as reflected from the gravel and rocks, and one man of the 42d Illinois who had been prostrated by sunstroke, did not recover. We passed the point where Johnson's division had been camped on the 9th. We moved on slowly, halting frequently to rest; the heat was such as to make it necessary to do this. The next four or five miles brought us to Valley Head, the foot of the mountain, where we expected to have some more climbing to do. To reach this point we had crossed the State line into Alabama, The 1st Division had been at this point since Saturday, the 5th, up to Wednesday, the 9th.

At two P. M. we started up the mountain. The road was steep, but much smoother than the road over Sand Mountain. The train got up without much difficulty, and without so much re-enforcement of the mules by the tired men. On the way up we rested often, as the weather was extremely warm. We reached the point selected as our stopping place for the night at

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about six P. M. Quite a number of the regiment had failed to keep up, although our progress had been slow, and these kept arriving later. Davis's and Johnson's divisions had passed on over the mountain, except one brigade which had been left to the rear as guard to the train. No disturbance during the night.

Were called up at 3.30 o'clock on the morning of Friday, September 11th, to get ready to march at five o'clock. Got under way at six, and marched steadily on across the table-lands nearly twelve miles, and arrived at the point where the descent of the eastern slope commenced, at eleven A. M. We started down promptly, and found the road rough and difficult. On reaching a point about one-half way down to the valley, we came to a piece of artillery with the coupling between the caisson and gun broken. This accident resulted in a detention of the column for nearly three hours. The greater portion of the 44th and 73d, which were to the rear, passed on to the valley for water, the weather being very sultry. When we reached the valley, we found the 1st and 2d Divisions; also a small village, named Alpine, located just across the line, in Georgia. General McCook's head-quarters were at Alpine. We passed a mile or more beyond the village, and went into camp in the midst of a nice grove of young timber. Near the point where our camp was located, our cavalry and that of the enemy had quite a skirmish on September 8th, resulting in the loss of two killed and four or five wounded, on our side. The rebel loss not ascertained, beyond the certainty that it exceeded our own. The result of the skirmish was a total rout of the rebels. A report was circulated, and generally believed, that Bragg and

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part of his army had reached Rome. Of course, we found out later that this report was deceptive; perhaps intended to mislead.

Saturday, September 12th. -- On this date we were up and under arms at four A. M. Our precautions availed us nothing, as no attack was made or threatened, as far as indications visible to us showed. But it was better to have precautions and no attack, than to have an attack and no precautions or preparations to meet it. Fresh pork and green apples entered into the "bill of fare" for breakfast with many of the messes on this date, which was an addition to the limited supply of army rations that was highly relished.

Many rumors concerning the "whereabouts" of Bragg and his army afloat in the camps. From the advance of our cavalry word came that Bragg's army was presenting a bold front, some fifteen miles out. This word was pretty generally believed, but as to whether the bold front indicated an early fight, or a hasty retreat, no person could tell. Time told. All our trains were ordered to the rear.

We were up and under arms at four o'clock on Sunday morning, September 13th. No disturbance in our immediate vicinity. We drew three days' rations and put them in haversacks. The trains went on to the rear. Bodies of cavalry discernible on top of the mountain. As it was our own cavalry, there was reason to believe we should soon have a general engagement. At eight A. M. we were hurried into line, and marched to the rear, the 73d in front of brigade. We reached the foot of the mountain at nine A. M., where we found the 3d Brigade. At 9.30 we were awaiting orders. Had a report that a fight was

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going on between a part of General Thomas's corps and the enemy. At 11.15 A. M. we filed off to the right into an old orchard, halted, and stacked arms, to await the passage of the train up the mountain. Near at hand were thirty-five rebels that had been captured since our forces had been in the valley. Ten more were captured and added to the squad during the afternoon. The train made slow progress in getting up the mountain. At five P. M. fifteen men were called for to help a battery up hill. At 5.20 P. M. we had orders to move up; we took the road, marched slowly and "at will." We had time to stop, "about face," and look over the valley. A grand sight was presented. We could plainly see clouds of dust rising in the distance, probably fifteen miles away. Some supposed the dust was raised by the movement of Confederate troops, either advancing or retreating. By 6.30 P. M. we had arrived in Alabama, on top of Lookout Mountain. We halted awhile until the 1st and 2d Divisions passed; then we moved on two and one-half miles and bivouacked for the night. This last jaunt was made through dust and darkness.

On Monday, September 14th, we were up at 3.30 A. M. to march at five. Got started at 5.30. We were moving to support General Thomas, which necessitated a march of quite forty miles to and up Blue Bird Pass. Bragg was threatening to break through at that point, and in case he massed his forces against Thomas, the latter would need help. We arrived at the point where the descent of the western slope of the mountain began shortly after ten A. M. We tarried not, but proceeded to the valley, leaving Johnson's and

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Davis's divisions and the 1st Brigade of our division on top of the mountain. We marched on through valley head, and passed some artillery, infantry and cavalry; then hurried on, and by one o'clock P. M. the entire regiment, almost, had dropped out and joined the long line of stragglers in the rear. At the hour last named we reached a spring of water in Lookout Valley, and General Sheridan ordered a halt for a sufficient length of time to afford opportunity to make coffee. This halt enabled many who had dropped behind to catch up. The coffee was hastily disposed of, and we were called into column and marched seven miles by 2.30 P. M., when another halt was called. We were soon on the way again, but we moved slowly and rested often -- from the necessities of the case -- until five P. M. By six P. M. we were bivouacked for the night on the same ground we had encamped on during the night of September 8th. On this date -- September 14th -- we marched twenty-four miles, a long and fatiguing march, considering the heat and dust. Colonel Jaquess was awaiting us at this point. Having been absent from the regiment for some time, making an effort to visit Richmond and Jefferson Davis, the colonel was gladly received, and in acknowledgment, made a short speech. We were twelve miles south of Trenton. Had a fairly good rest the night of September 14th, but had to get up early on the morning of the 15th, to get ready to move at five A. M. The order to march at five was countermanded, and we were directed to hold ourselves in readiness to move at a moment's warning. Company C and ten men from Company G went on picket at a station on the side of the mountain. Before two hours passed, orders were hurriedly sent out

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to withdraw the pickets, as the brigade had again started on the march. The road followed was an obscure one and little used; the pioneers passed us and went on, to remove fallen timber from the road. We marched steadily and arrived at Johnson's Cove at 5.15 P. M., and bivouacked for the night. Colonel Jaquess assumed command of the regiment on this date. Before dark Company C was sent one-third of a mile to the rear to do picket duty on the road. Two sentinels were put out. The train kept passing these sentinels until it became too dark to see how to drive. Train was corralled along the road, with many wagons and teams outside the pickets. The medical wagon, No. Thirteen, turned over and much damage was done to the contents. At 6.30 on the morning of Wednesday, September 16th, Company C was ordered in from picket and marched to the foot of Johnson's Cove, to await the arrival of the regiment, which was rear guard to the division train. At ten A. M. regiment started up the mountain, leaving eight men with each wagon to help the mules up the steep road with the train. It required the putting forth of the utmost strength of the mules and men to get the train over the most difficult places in the road. On getting fully half-way up the mountain we came to a small field, an orchard, and an old log hut. In the hut was a poor, helpless woman, suffering from intermittent fever. She was lying on a very scant and rickety bed, and had an army blanket for her covering. There was no furniture in the house. A part box of army crackers, some coffee and sugar had been left by the passing soldiers, for the woman and her two small children to subsist on. The husband and father had been killed in the rebel army about six

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months previously. The floor of the old hut being partly gone, and some of the many spaces between logs of the side walls, being not less than ten inches wide, together with the suffering and poverty within, made the picture a sad one to contemplate. Shortly after twelve, noon, we reached the top of the mountain. Had time for rest and coffee. A mail was also unexpectedly and joyfully received. Time being taken to dispose of the mail, we did not get under way again until 3.30 P. M. After making a jaunt of two miles, we came to Stevens's Gap, on the way to Chattanooga Valley. We made the descent to the valley -- two miles -- nicely and in good time. The pioneers went in advance and removed some of the obstructions from the road. We bivouacked at the foot of the mountain in McLamore's Cove, where we found part of General Thomas's 14th Corps. In the skirmish of Saturday, September 12th, our side lost twenty-four killed, and the rebel loss was still greater; the rebels gave way and fell back. No fighting since to this date. Our position, McLamore's Cove, was twenty-two miles from Chattanooga, and nearly or quite that distance from the main body of the enemy.

All the men were up by daylight of September 17th, Thursday. A cool breeze was stirring, making the weather more pleasant. General Thomas's troops moved out early in the day, going in the direction of the enemy. A collision hourly expected. A report of cannon -- single gun -- heard at 7.15 A. M. At 7.30 two reports, and at 7.45 three more guns were fired, but no response came from the enemy. This demonstration was supposed to be twelve to twenty miles distant. It was nearer, however, as subsequent events

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indicated. The wounded of Saturday's skirmish were sent to Chattanooga.

At 11.30 A. M. the 2d and 3d Brigades of Davis's division arrived from the top of mountain, and halted near us at noon. The bugles sounded the strike-tent call at 12.15 P. M. Got ready, and inarched immediately, the 73d in front of brigade. After going nearly one-half mile, we formed line of battle. At two P. M. had orders to change front to the south, and support battery of the 3d Brigade. We formed immediately to the rear in an open field, with our left touching the woods; to our front was a field full of standing dead trees. The 44th Illinois and the 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments formed to our right, and to the rear of our battery. The rebels were reported to be intent on coming through the gap. We remained in position during the afternoon. All quiet to the front. Later, we changed our position to the rear a short distance to pass the night.

Weather much cooler early on the 18th. There was some rain and a strong wind. We were aroused early, to draw two days' rations, preparatory to sending the train to the rear. We were up at four A. M. to watch for the enemy, and at six the train was to have started to the rear, but the order was countermanded. At 9.30 A. M. we had orders to move to the southeast three miles, near Dug Pass. We moved at once, and arrived there at noon. We went into camp in an open field which had been occupied by the rebels only the day before -- 17th. Weather quite cool; a north wind blowing. But little was done in arranging our bivouac, and we hastily dispatched our suppers on account of the reception of orders to march. The bugles sounded "a ready," but we did not go until

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all our train passed, which detained us until 10.30 P. M. The 44th and 73d Illinois were left behind as rear guard. We marched very slowly in a north-easterly direction, making but five miles by two o'clock A. M. of the 19th. Before this date the initial movements and engagements immediately preliminary to the great battle of Chickamauga had been made, and participated in, principally by the cavalry, on our part. This being a regimental history simply, we shall try to follow the fortunes of the 73d pretty closely through this and a few succeeding dates. In order to not fail in this, we shall copy almost verbatim from Captain Kyger's diary. We put it all within quotation-marks, though we do not use Kyger's language precisely, but adhere tenaciously to his facts:

"Bivouac eight miles north-east of Stevens's Gap, Lookout Mountain, Ga., Saturday, September 19, 1863. -- Arrived here at two A. M.; sleepy and dusty. There was heavy skirmishing on the left yesterday. 6.30 A. M. -- Up, after having a short nap. Orders to move at seven o'clock; cool. Orders countermanded. Right wing of regiment on picket. 8 A. M. -- Heavy cannonading heard away to the left. 10 A. M. -- Davis's division moved forward; also Johnson's. 11 A. M. -- We were ordered forward. We marched out one-half mile; heavy cannonading heard, apparently five miles north-east. All moving toward it, both trains and troops. 2.15 P. M. -- Arrived within twelve miles of Chattanooga. Cannonading steady. We were halted at a nice point, near to a school-house, and the largest spring I ever saw, flowing out of bluff. General Negley's division is here, but when we arrived it moved on. We remained until pretty well rested, and then moved forward to the battle-field. After marching nearly two miles, we arrived at the point where we formed in first battleline, at three o'clock P. M. We formed for the purpose of resisting a flank movement. We soon left this position and moved one-half mile farther to the front, and formed in line four different times, and in as many places; after which we moved to the left and formed the fifth time, in the woods this time, immediately in

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rear of the 3d Brigade of our division, which was already heavily engaged. The 2d and 15th Missouri Regiments were posted to our front; the 44th Illinois in same line with the 73d. The 3d Brigade -- Colonel Bradley's -- made a charge to drive the enemy from a point of timber he held. General J. C. Davis's division was immediately to the left of our 3d Brigade, and failed to hold its position, which caused 3d Brigade to receive a heavy flank fire, compelling it to fall back with heavy loss. Company A, 25th Illinois -- in Davis's division -- lost two killed, George Staats and Alex Blake; and Bob Carney, Pleas West, Aaron Newlin, Orderly Sergeant Newlon, James Hasting, John Milholland, Cy.

Bellus, and Henry Thompson, wounded. The 25th moved to the rear; was not engaged any more that evening. We continued in line of battle without change of position until morning. There was firing at intervals until 7.30 o'clock P. M. We have to fight the combined forces of Generals Longstreet, Johnson, and Bragg. The results of the day were considered rather in favor of the "rebs." Heavy losses on both sides.

"On the battle-field of Chickamauga, Sunday morning, September 20, 1863. -- We were up at three A. M. Spent a very unpleasant night. Frost. All seems quiet along the lines, except occasional picket shots. At five o'clock A. M. we changed position, three

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and a quarter miles to the rear and right, making the extreme right flank of the army. Had a good position on a hill for our batteries, and for infantry. Eleven o'clock A. M. the ball opened on our center and to right of center. Charge after charge was made by the rebs, with hideous yells, and at about 11.15 A. M. they commenced to turn our left. We -- 2d Brigade -- were called to support center; moved down, took our position in front of battery, the 44th and 73d forming the first line; 2d and 15th Missouri in second line. Our position was in an open field, about thirty rods wide; then came a pine thicket, furnishing a fine protection for the rebs to advance through. At twelve o'clock M. we were ordered to fix bayonets and charge across the field and meet the advancing foe, coming eight lines deep toward us. On reaching the edge of pine-grove, orders came for us to halt and fire. This was amid a shower of balls flying from our front, right, and left. Sergeant Lewis, regimental color-bearer, fell just before we halted, wounded in the leg. I sent Sergeants Newlin and Brown to carry him from the field. Neither of the three was heard of after the battle. Art. Terrell fell dead within a yard of me, pierced through the temples by a ball. Enoch Smith thought to be killed, and John Bostwick wounded; I ordered Sam Boen to carry him off, but he did not get him, for before reaching him Boen had to leave to save his own life. The flag was taken up by one of the color guard, immediately after Lewis fell; he soon fell; taken up by another; he fell. Then a retreat was ordered. I grasped the colors and carried them off the field. I was not struck, only by a buckshot, and that lodged in my haversack, checked by striking my tin cup. The regiment retreated "pell mell;" could not be rallied to be effective again during the charge. The first man of Company C that I saw was H. H. Reagan, then A. E. Lewis, S. J. Boen, J. A. Allison, Wesley Bishop, Jonathan Ellis, Wallace Ward, and Abraham Jones; these eight men were all that stacked arms in Company C within three hours after the engagement. The regiment had seventy-four privates, twenty-four non-commissioned officers, and thirteen commissioned officers. The regiment went in with twenty-three commissioned officers and two hundred and eighty-five enlisted men. Major Smith, killed; Adjutant Winget, killed; also Captain Rice, of Company K.Captains Motherspaw and Ingersoll, and Lieutenants Lawrence

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and Patten wounded. Company C went in with twenty-nine men, and at night there were ten missing that we could not account for, Orderly Sergeant Smith, and Sergeants Brown, Lewis, and Newlin among them. From the point where the regiment re-formed after the charge we were taken by General Sheridan three miles to the rear, and then we were taken three miles in the direction of the left wing of the army, to support it if necessary. After reaching a point from which we could see the rebel campfires, we found our services were not needed, and we returned three miles, and halted at ten P. M., very weary. Samuel Hewit came up, slightly wounded in the back. Lieutenant Moore, from the 25th Illinois, came to see us. His company was badly cut up. We visited the 125th Illinois; found it all right. It was in the engagement, lying behind a battery to support it; was not further engaged. The army is all retreating, and the greater part of it has reached this point, which is just in Tennessee, and four miles from the battlefield.

"Bivouac, four miles from Chattanooga, Monday, September 1, 1863. -- At daybreak this morning I learned that General Rosecrans's army had reached this point, on its way to Chattanooga. Succeeded in getting the greater portion of the wounded off the field. The loss was heavy on both sides. The reorganization of the different corps was immediately commenced, and a line of battle formed for defense, until the missing ones -- as many as could -- came up. We moved out to our position at twelve o'clock noon. Slight musketry and battery firing commenced at one o'clock P. M., on the left, and continued during the afternoon. This was kept up between the rebel cavalry and our skirmishers and a portion of

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our cavalry. The 73d now had one hundred and twenty-four guns in stack, and fourteen commissioned officers present. We changed our position slightly, and remained during the afternoon and early part of the night. Company cooks Joseph W. Reagan and Thomas Judd came up at twelve midnight. No further account of the missing boys. Rumors of the arrival of re-enforcements; but I fear they are not reliable. Farther retreat seems imminent. Sad, sad time!

"Bivouac, four miles from Chattanooga, Tennessee, Tuesday, September 22, 1863. -- Three o'clock A. M. -- Up, and orders to fall back, but did not start until 4.30. We were to the rear of all but the cavalry and the reserve corps. We reached Chattanooga before sunrise, and halted in a grove, but were soon called on for a detail to work on the fortifications, which were already commenced. Nat, Henderson, and myself went down town to look after our wounded. Found Lieutenant Lawrence; wounded in mouth, three upper teeth knocked out; not otherwise injured. Henderson Goodwin was in same room; wounded in left forearm. H. C. Henderson was wounded in knee; not seriously; he was sent across the river; we did not get to see him. Met Cousin Charles Kyger in hospital; his health not good; he was not in the battle. Returned, and found the brigade had been sent to the front, to take position on Chattanooga Creek, near a rolling-mill and a large tannery, about one-half mile from the nose of Lookout Mountain. General Granger's forces still hold the mountain. We are throwing up earth-works. Some cannonading during the afternoon, but it did not move our lines....I feel very sad and lonely.

"On Battle-line, near the Foot of Lookout Mountain, Wednesday, September 23, 1863. -- Up, and under arms at 3.30 A. M. All quiet during the night. Seven of the company on picket. Slight skirmishing along the lines during the day. Late in the evening the rebels made an effort to drive General Granger's men from Lookout Mountain, but were driven back with slight loss. The 3d Tennessee (Union) lost one man killed. James T. Maudlin came up. He had no reliable word concerning any of the missing ones of Company C. General Rosecrans visited the lines after night. He gave orders for Granger's men to come down off the mountain and report to Colonel Laibold.

"On Skirmish-line, near Chattanooga, Thursday, September 24, 1863. -- Up at 3.30 A. M., and under arms. Some firing at daylight. In the afternoon the enemy advanced on left; were

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repulsed. On the skirmish or picket line every five hours. A vigilant watch for the enemy was kept up.

"On Skirmish-line, Friday, September 25, 1863. -- We were up again at 3.30 this morning. Skirmishing still going on. An attempt made by the enemy to break our lines. He fails. At 11.30 A. M. enemy placed a battery on the nose of Lookout Mountain; at six P. M. commenced shelling the old tannery. We were on the skirmish-line. No damage done. It was a grand and terrific sight. We expect an attack, either to-night, or early in the morning.

"On Skirmish-line, Saturday, September 26, 1863. -- Had a cold time of it last night. Lieutenant Turpin was on the line with me. There was occasional firing during the night. We were relieved at nine o'clock this morning. We went back to the two lines of rifle-pits, leaving the front line to be held by reliefs of fifty men from each regiment in the brigade, every other day. But little firing on the lines; no damage done to us."

We have copied from Captain Kyger's diary all the entries from September 19th to 26th, both inclusive. We omitted nothing. Some of these entries, and parts of some others, have reference to the casualties in Company C. Aside from being the color-company, there is no reason for supposing that Company C suffered more than the other companies. Company C's "ups and downs," mishaps and losses, were perhaps a fair average for the regiment. We have no criticism to offer, and no corrections to make, of the statements contained in the several entries quoted. They are correct, as far as they go, or intended so to be. A mistake as to direction, or distance, may have been made; the liability to err in these respects being increased when movements were hurriedly made, through woods, over hills and hollows, early and late -- confusion and excitement all around.

For the two dates, Saturday and Sunday, September 19th and 20th, we add a few statements, which may prove interesting. Who of the 73d, that was present,

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will forget the severe experience, "double-quicking" along the dusty road, at 3.30 P. M., Saturday, the 19th, with the rail-fences on each side, and the woods on one side of the road, on fire? The sunshine was warm enough; but the fire made it hot, hotter, HOTTEST. We were thoroughly heated, and the sweat and dust made us not only feel but look uncomfortable. On our own account we would have preferred to feel and appear better, if not for the fact that many Confederates had come all the way from the Potomac to meet us. This experience, doubtless, made us more susceptible, or sensitive, to the very cool night-air only a few hours later. At night our position was such, our proximity to the enemy was so close, as to forbid fires, and the supply of blankets was limited, all equipage not absolutely needed having been stored and left in the rear. The chilly night-air, and the lack of protection against it, was not all that contributed to our discomfort. Under the circumstances, sleep was out of the question; we were located in the midst of thick woods, which made the darkness almost impenetrable. To our front, the cutting and slashing, the felling and chopping of timber -- whether being engaged in by the enemy, or by our own men -- made a terrible racket, and was "ominous," besides, of serious work for the next day. As suggested in the entry by Captain Kyger in his diary, we were going to have the combined forces of Longstreet, Johnson, and Bragg to contend with; and he might have included the force of Bolivar Buckner, too, which had lately been called from East Tennessee to swell the aggregate of Bragg's army. The rank and file of our regiment, as well as of most others, had apprehended this serious fact; and the effect was

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too great, in awakening our fears, and producing distrust, to be counteracted by a report that Burnside would arrive with a large force next day. There were several circumstances -- facts, rather -- which tended to create uneasiness and discomfort among our troops on that memorable Saturday night. Our weariness, the noise and confusion in front, and the ordinary, ever-present misgiving, or apprehension, on the eve of battle, was not all that troubled us; but in addition to these were the well-grounded suspicion and conscious belief that we were encompassed, or about to be, by vastly superior numbers. Then there was no comfort to be had at division head-quarters, which were established for the night just in the rear of the 73d. Some extra guards being required there, Company C was called on to furnish them. Corporal Hasty -- later color-bearer and sergeant -- and two or three men were sent to division head-quarters to do duty for the night. After reporting, and ascertaining what the duty was, getting his men posted and thoroughly instructed in their duties, our corporal began to watch for "straws," or listen rather, for it was very dark. There was light in Sheridan's tent, near the entrance to which our corporal stationed himself. From what he could see and hear, the corporal could not fail to determine that a feeling of anxiety, extra seriousness, pervaded the head-quarters, from the general down to orderlies. It was not long until McCook, our corps commander, arrived at Sheridan's tent. He was accompanied by two, three, or more general officers from the center and left of the army; Crittenden and Van Cleve, anyhow, from the left wing, were there, so the corporal was told. The center was represented. The meeting may have been previously appointed, but

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it is thought not to have been; that it was rather suggested, or necessitated, by an emergency, not altogether unexpected, but ascertained, late in the day, to be fully developed, and upon us -- an emergency, or predicament, which had to be met, provided against, in some way, not to be escaped from, or avoided. An animated and somewhat protracted consultation was held. In the course of the discussion, General Sheridan grew still more restless and uneasy. He was greatly displeased at the rough usage his 3d (Bradley's) Brigade had received late in the evening; and from the situation, as disclosed at the interview, or from the necessities of the case, or from the plan of operation as agreed on, he was apprehensive that there would be more of the same kind of usage for his two remaining brigades the next morning.

The interview came to an end at a late hour, and participants in it, except Sheridan, departed; then the latter paced back and forth in his tent, and bewailed the situation, past, present and prospective, especially prospective, using language more emphatic than elegant, as General Sheridan only could do. Three or four times during the night the corporal returned to the company, and reported the "signs of the times," which seemed to indicate that we were going to have our hands full -- have all we could possibly attend to, if not more. Burnside's force could not be counted on; was not expected; had not been sent for. Granger's Reserve Corps was all that could be reckoned as being within reach of the battle-field, and able to re-enforce Rosecrans's army in the expected hard struggle.

We were aware of the fact that our regiment and brigade had not been engaged during the day. We

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were also aware that most, if not all, the other brigades had been engaged. So we could feel pretty thoroughly assured that we should have a chance to "see the elephant" in the morning. Having much to discourage, and but little, if anything, to encourage us, it is not surprising that Saturday night, September 19, 1863, was a gloomy and foreboding one to us. Notwithstanding all these untoward signs, the men of the regiment and brigade were reconciled to the inevitable, prepared to take things as they came, trusting for a favorable outcome in some way. According to one authority -- Turchin on Chickamauga -- there was but one brigade on the field that was not engaged on Saturday. Our brigade was not engaged that day, though it was under fire, and did quite a "good deal" of moving from point to point, on quick or double-quick lime, as already shown from Captain Kyger's diary. We will allow this to suffice, as additional to what we have copied from said diary, touching the movements of the regiment on the 19th, and its experience during the night of that date.

We pass, now, to a brief review of the events of Sunday, September 20th. The sleeplessnesss and anxiety of the night had told severely on our residue of strength -- what we had left after racing and chasing around on Saturday. We felt more like seeking some secluded nook, where we could give ourselves over unreservedly to slumber, than like keeping wary, and holding ourselves ready to obey orders instantly, without drawing rations. It will be remembered that General Lytle, commanding General Sheridan's 1st Brigade, persisted, took time to draw rations for his men, notwithstanding orders to move immediately, and in consequence of doing so, was reprimanded, or talked to

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pretty straight, by his superior officer, Sheridan, only a few hours before yielding his life on the battle-field. In the position reached by marching the three or more miles, we remained until after eleven o'clock, some of us, in the meantime, snatching some sleep, as the battle had opened on our left and center, as already indicated. A number of us, who were on the point of entering the Southern Confederacy as prisoners of war, had better employed part of this time in filling our haversacks, could we have done so, rather than in sleeping or trying to sleep. At 11.15 A. M. the 2d Brigade was called to support the center, in obedience to the order we copy below :

"SEPTEMBER 20, 1863, 10.30 A. M.

"The general commanding directs you to send two brigades of General Sheridan's division at once, with all possible dispatch, to support General Thomas, and send the 3d Brigade as soon as the lines can be drawn sufficiently. March them as rapidly as you can, without exhausting the men. Report in person to these headquarters as soon as your orders are given in regard to Sheridan's movement. Have you any news from Colonel Post?

"J. A. GARFIELD."

It does not appear above to whom the order was addressed; but, bearing the marks of having been issued at department head-quarters at 10.30 A. M., this, no doubt, was the order that caused the 2d Brigade of Sheridan's division to move at 11.15 A. M., to support the center. At any rate, we got into the fray, and a few of us got out, but by different routes.

The loss to the division, as stated in General Sheridan's report, was, in commissioned officers, 96; in men, 1,491. This included the killed, wounded, and missing, making the loss about forty per cent, the strength of the division Saturday morning being four thousand bayonets. The loss to the 73d, as given by Turchin,

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in his book on Chickamauga, was 92 -- 2 officers and 11 men killed; 4 officers and 53 men wounded, and 3 officers and 19 men missing. If from sixteen to nineteen of these fifty-three men, reported wounded above, died on September 20, 1863, or the night of that date, it would account for the difference between eleven -- above reported killed -- and the number shown as killed, or dying of wounds on that date, in the revised reports of the adjutant-general of Illinois. It is quite certain that at least one man of the nineteen men above reported missing was killed.

General W. P. Carlin, in his article on Chickamauga, published in the National Tribune, a few years ago, makes mention of the movement and fate our brigade made and met, on Sunday, September 20, 1863, as follows:

"There was a hand-to-hand struggle for a few minutes; then more volleys of musketry on the right and left flanks, as well as in front. Then Laibold's brigade, of Sheridan's division, came in close order by divisions. That was a fatal error to this brigade. I saw the poor fellows struggling to deploy into line, in order to use their arms against the enemy. But the enemy was too close at hand to permit Laibold to deploy. A volley was poured into Laibold's compact, almost solid, mass of men, at only a few steps distant. The loss of men was very great. The organization was broken, and the brigade melted away and went to the rear. The enemy had completely flanked me on the right; and flanked Laibold when he came to my relief. If his brigade had advanced in line, instead of in close column of divisions, it would have been a most opportune arrival, and might have exercised a decisive influence on the battle of Chickamauga; for if the enemy had been repulsed at that point, I do not believe that he could have driven Rosecrans from any important position, though he had already penetrated our line near the center. But that this line could have been restored by putting in one or two other divisions, I have no doubt; that is, if there had been some one there to give the orders necessary."

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The foregoing is a fair statement. It corroborates our own impressions, long held, that the quick double-quick movements of the regiment and brigade made on our mind at the time. The circumstances were not all favorable for getting correct impressions of just how things came about; but we will venture to assert that the 73d was in the front line; that the brigade was next to the right of Davis's division, of which General Carlin commanded one brigade.

That was about the relative position of the commands mentioned at noon of Sunday, just before the rout on the right wing. It appears from General Carlin's statement that the center had been penetrated. This must have occurred at or before the 10.30 A. M. order, signed J. A. Garfield, was sent, calling for two brigades of Sheridan's division to support Thomas. Admitting that the order referred to was genuine, and received on time, the question arises: Why did the brigades called for fail to go? Probably the order was countermanded, owing to the sudden and perilous emergency, which enveloped the right wing, or threatened it, about the time the order came to hand. It appears that the enemy had succeeded in turning our left early in the day; and later succeeded in penetrating our center; the result of this was the weakening of our right, taking General Wood's division -- leaving a gap, which the enemy found -- to re-enforce our left wing; then calling on Sheridan to support the center. At about the same time the enemy, having turned our left and penetrated our center, transferred troops from his right to his left wing; so, while our right wing was being shortened and weakened, the enemy's left wing, confronting our right, was being lengthened and strengthened. This

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is the true explanation of the disaster which befell Sheridan's and Davis's divisions. Our right wing was borne down and crushed by the weight of superior numbers.

In falling back in disorder and confusion to the rear, the regiment lost heavily. Colonel Jaquess had two horses shot under him. And, as already noted, Major Smith and Adjutant Winget were killed. Some other casualties are mentioned, but not all; nor are all indicated in the revised reports of the adjutant-general of the State of Illinois. Amid all the hurry, excitement, and confusion, our regimental colors were not suffered to trail in the dust, though changing hands some four or five times after the color-bearer, Lewis, was shot down, and before Captain Kyger grasped them and bore them from the field.

We here copy what we wrote many years ago, describing just how we came to be captured. Incidentally, the matter of the care of our regimental colors is also mentioned:

"A halt was made and hasty preparations completed to receive the onset of the advancing enemy. At the first volley from the enemy, the color-bearer of the regiment was shot down. Our company being the color-company, and our position being immediately in the rear of the colors, Jehu Lewis, the color-bearer, when wounded, fell backward against us, and we eased him to the ground, at the same time seizing the colors, preventing them falling. On noticing what had taken place, our captain, T. D. Kyger, directed that we deliver the colors to one of the color-guard, and that we carry Lewis a few yards to the rear to a ditch, in which was a little water. Handing the colors to a color-guard, but retaining our gun, and being assisted by Sergeant Brown, we started to execute the captain's directions. In other words, we started for the ditch, carrying Lewis with us. Before we reached the ditch, however, our line, after firing not more than two or three rounds, gave way, and retreated in confusion before the enemy, in overwhelming force, in front and on

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the flank southward. At about the time we arrived at the ditch with the color-bearer, we were overtaken by the regiment in full retreat. In passing us, a comrade, Claib. Madden by name, relieved us of our gun (taking Brown's gun also), and we endeavored to save Lewis, as well as ourselves, from falling into the hands of the rebels. We struggled along with our burden as well as we could, the regiment in the meantime disappearing over the crest of a ridge we had passed over in our advance, a few minutes before. Under what proved to be a misapprehension, that our line would re-form and make a stand behind the crest of this ridge, we determined to carry our wounded comrade to the top of it. The enemy, too, in the meantime gaining on us; but, we being unarmed and assisting a wounded man, no shots were sent after us; neither were we ordered to halt or surrender. At this stage of the game, however, few shots were being fired either way, as our men were scampering for dear life, and the rebels were equally persistent in their pursuit, determined to make the most of their opportunity. On arriving at the crest of the ridge mentioned, and looking westward and north-westward, we could see the blue-coats fleeing as fast as their limbs could carry them. Looking to our left, or south-westward, and behind us, we could see a mighty advancing host of the enemy. We were not long in determining to leave Lewis, which we did immediately, and fled at a break-neck speed in a north-westward and northern direction. The rebels kept gaining on us, and sweeping over the ridge we had just left, they soon threatened us with the bayonet, as well as bullets, unless we surrendered. Being nearly out of breath, and taking in the situation by casting a glance behind, we yielded to the inevitable, and surrendered. We at once unbuckled our belts, and loosening our cartridge-boxes, dropped them in the weeds, and shifted our position, going right back to the spot where we had left Sergeant Lewis, a few moments before. On reaching him, we found he had been deprived of his shoes and, perhaps, another article or two. We were proposing to assist Sergeant Lewis to some point where his immediate wants could be supplied; but an officer coming up, ordered otherwise, and Lewis remained at the point where we left him two nights, as we have learned from him since. Sergeant Brown and myself bid our wounded friend and company comrade good-bye, wished him good fortune, and received from him the same in turn, and then, in obedience to orders, passed on to the rear."

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The writer, having become a prisoner in the enemy's hands, at the same time and place, and under precisely the same circumstances as did Sergeant Brown, gives herewith a brief description of affairs as they appeared within the Confederate lines: In going from the point where we surrendered to the rear of the rebel forces, we passed through five lines of two ranks each of Confederate soldiers. So we did not indulge in any hopes that we should be rescued by our forces before night. On arriving at a point a little beyond that to which we had penetrated on the charge, we were relieved of that peculiar sense of lonesomeness and estrangement caused by our supposition that we were the only persons "taken in." We found several hundred of General Sheridan's division that had been collected in one place.

While passing to the rear of the several lines of battle, Brown and myself, though very much discouraged, tried not to appear so. We were plied with many questions, but answered but few of them, and we answered those either by asking questions or by evasion.

Although a feeling of exultation, and an assurance of victory seemed to pervade the rebel soldiery, rank and file, yet there also seemed to be some apprehension lest, if they crowded the "Yankees" too closely, they might run into some trap, or a "hornet's nest." While some caution was being exercised, still, everything, infantry, artillery, and stragglers, was being hurried forward for the purpose of "pushing old Rosey into the Tennessee River before night." Line officers were screaming, and wildly flourishing their swords; field officers were galloping over the field giving orders; limping and growling stragglers were being appealed to

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and urged to do their duty; the artillery went rattling and bouncing over the ground, hurrying frontward, and, taken altogether, it looked very much to us as if the enemy was doing his utmost to make the very most of this "last chance" to thoroughly beat the "Yankee" army.

The rope lines and traces in which the rebel artillery horses were rigged, and also the sorghum-stalks sticking in the haversacks of Bragg's men, were, to us, especially noticeable. The yelling, the delivering and repeating of orders in loud tones; the pompous flourishing of swords; the brag and bluff, the swagger and blow, away back there in the rear, while doubtless intended to overawe, intimidate, and discourage the "Yankee" prisoners, lacked very much of producing that effect. The prisoners very well knew that kind of warfare was harmless, and that most of those, if not all, indulging in it would not fight "to hurt."

We will close that part of this chapter which treats of the battle of Chickamauga by copying what is said of the part played in it by Sheridan's division by one or two authorities on war matters:

CHICKAMAUGA.

AN INTERESTING CONTRIBUTIONS TO WAR HISTORY BY MR. DANA.

Publication of the Cipher Dispatches sent to Secretary Stanton from the Battle-field -- How the Awful Conflict was Fought, and Movements of the Troops.

Special Dispatch to the Globe-Democrat.

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 27, 1889.

A most interesting contribution to war history is made to-day in the publication by Mr. Dana of the cipher dispatches he sent to Secretary Stanton from the battle-field of Chickamauga. These dispatches have an important bearing upon the controversy which has been going on so many years as to what estimate should be

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put upon that battle. Secretary Stanton did not put these dispatches on file. They were furnished, however, by Mr. Dana, at a comparatively recent date, and the originals are now in the possession of the War Department. The editor of the Sun, in publishing these dispatches, says:

"A good deal of discussion has been going on lately concerning this memorable engagement. The statement which General Sheridan included in his Memoirs furnished the occasion for opening the dispute, and it has been continued with special ability and interest by General Francis A. Walker, of Boston, and General H. V. Boynton, of Washington. We shall not review the points which they have adduced, nor shall we in any manner try to correct any presentation of the facts which has been brought forward. Our purpose is simply to add to the documents which bear upon the history of this battle a brief series of official telegrams written from hour to hour on the very field, and representing the impressions and excitements belonging to the varying phases of the conflict. They have not yet been published in the series of war reports which Congress has authorized, though, of course, they will appear in their proper order along with the other papers of the Chattanooga campaign.

SEPTEMBER, 1863,

"Crawfish Spring, September 19, 1863, 10.30 A. M. -- Battle opened at nine this morning on our left. Bragg in command of the rebels. His force not yet ascertained; engagement not yet general. His effort is to push into Chattanooga. In anticipation of this movement, Thomas marched last night to our left. Crittenden pushed up behind him, and McCook has been brought here as reserve. As I write the enemy are making a diversion on our right, where Negley was left to hold the fords. Negley is supported by Sheridan. An orderly of Bragg's, just captured, says there are reports in the rebel army of Longstreet's arrival, but he does not know they are true. Rosecrans has everything ready to grind up Bragg's flank.

"1 P. M. -- Everything is going well, but the full proportions of the conflict are not yet developed. The engagement is now between here and Rossville, where Thomas has his head-quarters.

"Widow Glenn's, September 19, 2.30 P. M. -- The fight continues to rage; enemy repulsed on the left by Thomas has suddenly fallen on the right of our line of battle, held by Van Cleve. Musketry and artillery there fierce and obstinate. Crittenden,

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with remainder of his corps, is just going in. Negley's and Sheridan's division and cavalry alone remain unengaged, and Sheridan is ordered here, leaving Negley to hold the fords beyond Crawfish Spring. The mass of the cavalry guards the gaps beyond it. Thomas loses pretty heavily in men, also one battery of guns. Decisive victory seems assured to us."

"3 P. M. -- The enemy forced back by Crittenden on the right has just massed his artillery against Davis on our center. His attack there is the most furious of the day. He seems giving way.

DRIVING THE REBELS.

"3.20 P. M. -- Thomas reports that he is driving the rebels, and will force them into the Chickamauga to-night. It is evident here their line is falling back. The battle is fought in a thick forest, and is invisible to outsiders. The line is two miles long.

"4 P. M. -- Negley, being nearer than Sheridan, has come up in his stead. Negley's first brigade is just getting in. Everything is prosperous. Sheridan is coming up. The cavalry has been brought to Crawfish Springs to be ready for use.

"4.30 P. M. -- I do not yet dare to say our victory is complete, but it seems certain. The enemy is silenced on nearly the whole line. Longstreet is here. It is said that Governor Brown has taken part in the battle.

"5.20 P. M. -- Firing has ceased. Reports are coming in. Enemy holds his ground in many places. We have suffered severely. Reynolds reported killed. It now appears to be an undecided contest, but later reports will enable us to understand more clearly.

"7.30 P. M. -- Immediately after my last dispatch Negley opened on the enemy with two fresh brigades, and drove him back half a mile. The firing did not cease till an hour after dark, the feeble light of the moon favoring the combatants. This gives us decidedly the advantage in respect of ground. The result of the battle is that the enemy is defeated in his attempt to turn and crush our left flank and regain possession of Chattanooga. His attempt was furious and obstinate; his repulse was bloody and maintained till the end. If he does not retreat, Rosecrans will renew the fight at daylight. His dispositions are now being made. There are here two brigades and one regiment which have not been engaged at all, and two brigades which have been engaged but little. At Rossville are eight thousand men of the

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reserve corps not engaged at all. We have lost no prominent officers. Reynolds is safe. Weather cool, favorable to wounded.

PRISONERS TAKEN.

"8 P. M. -- We have taken about two hundred and fifty prisoners, including men from thirty different regiments. We have captured ten guns and lost seven. I can not learn that we have lost any considerable number of prisoners. The battle-field is three miles north from Crawfish Spring and about eight south of Rossville. It is mainly in a forest four miles square.

"11 P. M. -- Dr. Perrin, medical director of this department, estimates the number of our wounded as not exceeding two thousand.

"Chattanooga, September 20, 4 P. M. -- My report to-day is of deplorable importance. Chickamauga is as fatal a name in our history as Bull Run. The battle began late this morning. The first cannon was fired at nine, but no considerable firing till ten. Previous to ten Rosecrans rode the whole length of the line. All seemed promising except columns of dust visible within the rebel lines, moving north, and a report from our right that the enemy had been felling timber there during the night. Soon after the fighting commenced, Thomas, who had the left, began to call for re-enforcements. Then, about twelve, came the word that he had been forced to retire to his second line. Re-enforcements were sent him, and McCook's whole corps, which was on the right and as a reserve in the center, was ordered to his assistance. T. J. Wood, of Crittenden's corps, and Van Cleve, who held the front in the center, were also ordered to the left, where the fury of the cannonade showed that an immense rebel force was massed. Their places were to be filled by Davis and Sheridan, of McCook's corps, but hardly had these divisions moved to take their places in the line when the rebel fire, which had slacked on our left ever since it was turned and driven back about three-quarters of an hour previously, suddenly burst out in enormous volumes upon our center.

CANNON AND MUSKETRY.

"Never in any battle that I have witnessed was there such a mass of cannon and musketry. This lasted some twenty minutes, and then Van Cleve, on Thomas's right, was seen to give way, but in tolerable order, soon after which the lines of Davis and Sheridan broke in disorder, borne down by heavy columns of the enemy.

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These columns are said to have consisted of Polk's entire corps. They came through with resistless impulse, composed of brigades formed in divisions. Before them our soldiers turned and fled. It was a wholesale panic; vain were all attempts to rally them. They retreated directly across two lines of considerable ridges running parallel to our line of battle, and then most of them made their way to Missionary Ridge, and are now coming here by the Chattanooga Valley Road. Our wagon-trains have mostly got here already, and the road is full of a disordered gang of fugitives. McCook, with the right of his corps and Wilder's mounted infantry, attempted to recover the day, but it was useless. Davis and Sheridan are said to be coming off, at the head of a couple of regiments, in order, and Wilder's brigade marches out unbroken. Thomas, too, is reported as coming down the Rossville Road with an organized command, but all the rest is confusion. All our wounded are left behind, some six thousand in number. We have lost heavily to-day in killed. The total of our killed, wounded, and prisoners can hardly be less than twenty thousand, and may be much more. How much artillery we lose I can not say, nor do I know what officers have been lost. Lytle is said to be killed. Rosecrans escaped by the Rossville Road. Enemy not yet arrived before Chattanooga. Preparations making to resist his entrance for a time.

TOO DARK A VIEW.

"8 P. M. -- I am happy to report that my dispatch of four P. M. to-day proves to have given too dark a view of our disaster. Having been myself swept bodily off the battle-field by the panicstruck rabble into which the divisions of Davis and Sheridan were temporarily converted, my own impressions were naturally colored by the aspect of that part of the field. It appears, however, that only those two divisions were actually routed, and that Thomas, with the remainder of the army, still holds his part in the field. Besides the two divisions of Davis and Sheridan, those of Negley and Van Cleve were thrown into confusion, but were soon rallied, and held their places, the first on the left and the second on the right of Thomas's fighting column. In addition to this, Davis and Sheridan have succeeded in rallying some eight or ten thousand of the fugitives, and are also reported as having joined Thomas. His command, consisting, after all losses, of at least thirty thousand men, has still further been strengthened by the addition of that portion of the reserve lately stationed at Rossville under

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Granger. It has changed its front from the nearly north and south line of this morning, and faces the enemy in an east and west line. It will at once fall back to the strongest line of defense for the purpose of defeating the enemy's design of regaining Chattanooga and the Tennessee. The latest report from Thomas is that he was driving back the advance of the rebels. In addition to these forces we have the cavalry and mounted infantry, not less than ten thousand in number, who are perfectly intact; and with this army it is not difficult to make good our lines until re-enforcements can arrive. The cavalry, at our last advices, had their head-quarters at Crawfish Spring, where they will perhaps be able to protect our main hospital until the wounded can be brought here by the Chattanooga Valley Road, which still is free from rebels.

NUMBER OF THE ENEMY.

"The number of the enemy yesterday and to-day I estimate at not less than seventy thousand. He was able to touch and threaten our lines at all points, and still form the tremendous columns whose onset drove Thomas back and dissolved Sheridan and Davis in panic. I learn from General Rosecrans, who himself took part in the effort previous to the first stampede of Sheridan's division, that the general charged the advancing columns of the enemy in flank. The charge was too spasmodic to be effectual, and our men became involved in the rushing mass and did not break it. Rosecrans has telegraphed Burnside to hurry forward his re-enforcements. The advance of his cavalry is reported as having reached Cleveland yesterday morning. Some gentlemen of Rosecrans's staff say Chickamauga is not very much worse than was Murfreesborough. I can testify to the conspicuous and steady gallantry of Rosecrans on the field. He made all possible efforts to rally the broken columns, nor do I see that there was any fault in his order for the disposition of the forces. The disaster could probably have been avoided but for the blunder of McCook in posting his corps so as to leave a gap in the line of battle.

GARFIELD AND THOMAS.

"September 21, 2 P. M. -- Garfield, chief of staff, becoming separated from Rosecrans in the rout of our right wing yesterday, made his way to the left and spent the afternoon and night with General Thomas. He arrived here before noon to-day, having witnessed the sequel of the battle in that part of the field.

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Thomas, finding himself cut off from Rosccrans and the right, at once brought his seven divisions into position for independent fighting, both his right and left, his line assuming the form of a horseshoe, posted along the slope and crest of a partly wooded ridge. He was soon joined by Granger, from Rossville, with a brigade of McCook's and the division of Steedman; and with these forces firmly maintained, the fight continued till after dark. Our troops were as immovable as the rocks they stood on. The enemy hurled against them repeatedly the dense columns which had routed Davis and Sheridan in the morning, but every onset was repulsed with dreadful slaughter. Falling first on one and then on another point of our line for hours, the rebels vainly sought to break it. Thomas seemed to have filled every soldier with his own unconquerable firmness; and Granger, his hat torn by bullets, raged like a lion wherever the combat was hottest. Every division commander bore himself gloriously, and among brigade commanders, Turchin, Hazen, and Harker especially distinguished themselves. Turchin charged through the rebel lines with the bayonet, and, becoming surrounded, forced his way back again. Harker, who had two horses shot under him on the 19th, forming his men in four lines, made them lie down till the enemy were close upon him, when they rose and delivered their fire with such effect that the assaulting columns fell back in confusion, leaving the ground covered with the fallen.

AT NIGHT-FALL.

"When night fell, the body of heroes stood on the same ground they had occupied in the morning, their spirit unbroken, but their numbers greatly diminished. Their losses are not yet ascertained. Van Cleve had this morning one thousand two hundred men in the ranks, but this number will probably be doubled by evening in stragglers. Neither he nor Sheridan nor Davis fought with Thomas. The divisions of Wood, Johnson, Brannan, Palmer, Reynolds, and Baird, which never broke at all, have lost very severely. We hear unofficially from Brannan that but about two thousand effective men remain in his division. Steedman lost one-third of his men. Thomas retired to Rossville after the battle. Dispositions have been made to resist the enemy's approach on that line; but if Ewell be ready there, Rosecrans will have to retreat beyond the Tennessee. Thomas telegraphed this morning that the troops are in high spirits. He brought off all his wounded.

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Of those at Crawfish Spring, our main field hospital, nearly all have been brought away. It now seems probable that not more than one thousand of our wounded are in the enemy's hands, and Rosecrans has sent a flag to recover them. The number of prisoners taken by the enemy is still uncertain. It will hardly surpass three thousand, besides the wounded. In artillery our loss is probably forty pieces. Many were left because all of their horses had been killed. Of rebel prisoners we have sent thirteen hundred to Nashville.

AT CHATTANOOGA.

"Chattanooga, September 22, 3 P. M. -- The whole army withdrew into this place last night without difficulty, leaving only necessary outposts and parties of observation. The troops arrived here about midnight, in wonderful spirits, considering their excessive fatigues and heavy losses. They have been working all day, improvising rifle-pits. The line of defense is about three miles long, crossing the Peninsula some two miles from its extremity. It includes two redoubts erected by the rebels, and is pretty strong, though much weakened by a blunder made by somebody in pushing McCook's wing half a mile forward of the line designed by Chief Engineer Morton. This can not be remedied to-day; but, if possible, the mistake will be repaired to-night. McCook holds the right; that noble old hero, Thomas, the center, the weakest part of the line, and Crittenden the left. The enemy have been approaching all the morning on three columns, resisted by our advanced parties, but the artillery firing has now drawn very near, and a battle may be fought before dark. Rosecrans estimates our effectives at thirty thousand, besides cavalry; but I fear our numbers are hardly so great as that. There are provisions here for fifteen days. The mass of our cavalry, under Mitchell, has been sent across the river to guard the road to Bridgeport via Jasper, and to strengthen Wilder, who is watching the fords above here. Mitchell will there find forage for his horses, of which there is none here. The only cavalry remaining on this side are Minty's brigade, in front toward Rossville and Missionary Ridge, and Watkins's brigade, left behind by Mitchell, and now making its way over Lookout Mountain. How large a force the enemy brings here you know as well as we. He was awfully slaughtered on Sunday, but certainly outnumbers this army, even if he has received no re-enforcements. Our losses on that awful day are still uncertain. Four thousand wounded have already been sent

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hence to Bridgeport. General John A. King, commanding the brigade of regulars, went into action with sixteen hundred and brought out only four hundred and fifty. He lost two battalions, taken prisoners. General Baird, who commanded Rousseau's division, estimates his loss in prisoners at two thousand, though his line never flinched. This looks anxiously for re-enforcements. No signs of the approach of Burnside."

We have copied the cipher dispatches entire, as found in the St. Louis Daily Globe-Democrat, of date January 28, 1889. These dispatches certainly show that their author was on the battle-field of Chickamauga; he must have been there or thereabouts. The true state of affairs is very nearly made to appear. However, there is liability to overstate, overdraw the picture, or anticipate or expect too much, when taking observations amid the excitement of battle, no matter which way things are going. If matters are progressing fairly well, it makes one hopeful for still better and greater results; or if going wrong or disastrously, it leads to the conclusion that all is or will be lost.

From Vol. II, page 418 and following pages, of Greeley's "American Conflict," we make selection of these passages in which mention of Sheridan's division appears in the description of the battle of Chickamauga:

"Hood, holding the rebel left, having cannonaded in the morning with no advantage, threw in, at three P. M., two of his divisions -- his own, under McLaw, and Bushrod Johnson's -- attacking Jeff C. Davis's division of McCook's corps, pushing it back from the road and capturing a battery; but Davis maintained a firm front against superior numbers till near sunset, when Bradley's biigade of Sheridan's division came to his aid, and he charged the enemy in turn, recapturing the battery (8th Indiana) that he had lost, taking quite a number of prisoners and driving the enemy back across the road (though Trigg's brigade, of Preston's division, came to his aid), and closing the day with decided advantage to our arms."

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This is the only mention made by Mr. Greeley of Sheridan's division in connection with the operations of Saturday, September 19th, and this mention, and properly so, is to the credit of Bradley's brigade, as it alone, of Sheridan's division, was seriously engaged on that day.

We copy still more to show Mr. Greeley's estimate -- and it is a very fair estimate -- of the strength of the respective armies, wherein it appears that he differs from Turchin as to the number of brigades of the Union army that were not engaged on Saturday, the latter making it only one not engaged. Still referring to the events of the 19th, Mr. Greeley says:

"Superficially regarded, the net result of that day's combat was favorable. Our army had lost no ground for which it had contended, and claimed a net gain of three guns. Our losses in men had doubtless been less than those of the enemy. And as we were standing on the defensive we might fairly claim the result as a success. But the truth was otherwise. Our soldiers were clearly outnumbered, and now they felt it. Every brigade but two of our army had been under fire -- most of them hotly engaged -- while the enemy had several yet in reserve. We had no re-enforcements at hand and could expect none; while Hindman's division (three brigades), and McLaw's (two brigades of veterans fresh from Virginia) came up during the night and were posted just where experience had proved that they were most needed. And besides, Longstreet himself came up and took command of their right wing, and he was worth at least a brigade. The best estimate that can be formed of their entire force on this bloody field, makes it seventy thousand, which, on ground affording so little advantage to the defensive, was a clear overmatch for Rosecrans's fifty-five thousand. And though the profane axiom that ‘God is on the side of the strongest battalions,’ is not always and absolutely true, it is certain that as between two armies equally brave, equally disciplined, and equally well handled, the decideldy larger -- the ground affording no considerable advantage to the defensive -- must generally triumph."

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The description of the situation on Saturday night, and of the changes made and determined on, is then given, showing the strengthening of the rebel right wing, preparatory to the turning of our left wing; showing the shortening and weakening of our right wing, to support our center and left, and showing how the rebels seized and improved the opportunity of striking and crushing our right wing, while in motion, closing down on our center. The description proceeds:

"The charge was decisive. Davis, by McCook's order, was just attempting to fill, with three light brigades, the gap made by Wood's withdrawal, when Hood's charging column poured into it, striking Davis on the right, and Brannan on the left, and Sheridan, of (Crittenden's) McCook's Corps, farther to the rear, cutting off five brigades from the rest of our army, and pushing them to our right and rear, with a loss of forty per cent of their numbers. In short, our right wing, struck heavily in flank while moving to the left, was crumbled into fragments, and sent flying in impotent disorder toward Rossville and Chattanooga, with a loss of thousands in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Rosecrans, McCook, and many subordinate commanders, were swept along in the wild rush; Sheridan and Davis rallying and re-forming the wreck of their divisions by the way, and halting with McCook at Rossville; while Rosecrans -- prevented by the enemy from joining Thomas -- hastened to Chattanooga, there to make all possible provision for holding the place, since it now looked as though our whole army was or would be routed, and that desperate effort would be required to hold Chattanooga, so as to save, what might be left of it, from being captured, or driven pell-mell into the Tennessee. But matters, though bad enough, were not so bad as they seemed to those who had shared or witnessed the rout and dispersion of our right. Thomas was still fighting stoutly, and holding his own on our left, when not long after noon Captain Kellogg, who had been sent to hurry Sheridan -- then expected to re-enforce his left -- returned with tidings that he had met a large rebel force advancing cautiously, with skirmishers thrown out, to the rear of Reynolds's position, in our center. There was some effort made to believe this was no rebel force, but Sheridan -- till heavy firing on Thomas's right and rear -- decidedly negatived that presumption."

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The account continues, and shows that this was a rebel force, and not Sheridan's; and then details the movements made to stay the further advance of the same. The several successive steps and stages of the crumbling and falling back of the right wing, and the gathering up of all the wrecks and fragments of brigades and regiments, and concentrating them around, or in supporting distance of, Thomas's position, are described. The movements of Harker's brigade, and Wood's division, and the massing of the artillery by Captain Gaw, and the withdrawal of the divisions of Johnson, Palmer, and Reynolds to a new position, are then given in detail. The part performed by the Reserve Corps, commanded by General Granger, is dwelt on by Mr. Greeley at some length, beginning with the operations of September 17th, but bestowing more attention to the work accomplished by this corps on the 20th; in this connection creditable mention being made of Whittaker's and Dan. McCook's brigades; also of Minty's cavalry and Steedman's troops, the latter forces burning Reed's bridge, September 18th, before falling back. On the 20th -- at three P. M., or later -- Colonel Mitchell's and General Whittaker's brigades rendered timely service in an emergency, and Steedman especially distinguished himself. The present peril being passed, and the rebels being checked and driven off, there was a lull in the fight, a pause for half an hour. In this encounter the loss on our side had been heavy, but that of the enemy still greater.

This quiet pause was the calm before a storm, which burst in all its fury at about four P. M. The rebels had formed and massed themselves for a desperate charge on the entire Federal position. Assault after

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assault was made by the enemy, by all but a mere fraction of his army, and these were repelled by what was left of our army until sunset, when the awful combat ended, and soon our forces began withdrawing, by order of General Rosecrans, to Rossville, where the remnant of the right wing had already arrived. But the enemy failed to pursue; he was, doubtless, feeling very tired, if not sorely. Bragg excuses his failure to pursue at once in these words:

"The darkness of the night, and the density of the forest, rendered further movements uncertain and dangerous; and the army bivouacked on the ground it had so gallantly won."

The losses of the Union army were officially returned as follows: Infantry and artillery -- killed, 1,644; wounded, 9,262; missing, 4,945; total, 15,841. The cavalry lost in various combats and skirmishes, in killed, wounded, and missing, about 500 men, making a total loss of 16,351 men. Bragg admitted a total loss of 18,000. Most, or all, of these must have been killed and wounded, as Rosecrans claims the capture of only 2,003 rebels in the engagement.

"General B. H. Helm's Kentucky brigade went into the battle of Chickamauga 1,763 strong, and came out 432 strong, Helm being among the killed. Bates's brigade lost 608 out of 1,085 men. A Mississippi brigade lost 781 men, and came out with but two regimental officers uninjured; and there were several more brigades in the Confederate army which lost fully half their number."

Taking these as samples of the rebel losses, even allowing they were notably great, and were exceptions to the rule, it is safe to estimate Bragg's losses in round numbers at twenty thousand men, at least seventy-five per cent of which were in killed and wounded. The total of Rosecrans's losses, including killed, wounded, captured, and missing, could not have counted up more

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than twenty thousand men, including stragglers. Of the latter, nearly all found their commands in the course of time, as did also many of the captured.

With a few comments on Chickamauga, taken from the first volume of Sheridan's Memoirs, and the farewell order of Rosecrans, which we give in full, we drop this part of the subject; the falling back to Rossville, and from thence to Chattanooga, together with other minor events before the battle of Missionary Ridge, being already sufficiently adverted to.

What we extract from General Sheridan's Memoirs, we find in the first volume thereof, beginning at page 276:

"On the 17th I remained in line of battle all day and night, in front of McLamore's Cove, the enemy making slight demonstration against me from the direction of Lafayette. The main body of the army having moved bodily to the left meanwhile, I followed it on the 18th, encamping at Pond Spring. On the 19th I resumed the march to the left, and went into line of battle at Crawfish Springs, to cover our right and rear. Immediately after forming this line, I again became isolated by the general movement to the left, and in consequence was directed to advance and hold the ford of Chickamauga Creek, at Lee and Gordon's mills, thus coming into close communication with the balance of our forces. I moved into this position rapidly, being compelled, though, first to drive back the enemy's cavalry skirmishers, who, having crossed to the west side of the creek, annoyed the right flank of my column a good deal while en route. Upon arrival at Lee and Gordon's mills, I found the ford over Chickamauga Creek temporarily uncovered through the hurried movement of Wood to the assistance of Davis's division. The enemy was already present in small force, with the evident intention of taking permanent possession; but my troops at once actively engaged him, and recovered the ford with some slight losses. Scarcely had this been done, when I was directed to assist Crittenden. Leaving Lytle's brigade at the ford, I proceeded with Bradley's and Laibold s to help Crittenden, whose main line was formed to the east of the Chattanooga and Lafayette road, its right trending toward a point on Chickamauga Creek, about a mile and a half north of Lee and

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Gordon's mills. By the time I had joined Crittenden with my two brigades, Davis had been worsted in an attack Rosecrans had ordered him to make on the left of that portion of the enemy's line which was located along the west bank of the Chickamauga, the repulse being so severe that one of Davis's batteries had to be abandoned. Bradley's brigade arrived on the ground first, and was hastily formed and thrown into the fight, which, up to this moment, had been very doubtful, fortune inclining first to one side, then to the other. Bradley's brigade went in with steadiness, and, charging across an open corn-field that lay in front of the Lafayette road, recovered Davis's guns, and forced the enemy to retire. Meanwhile Laibold's brigade had come on the scene, and forming it on Bradley's right, I found myself, at the end of the contest, holding the ground which was Davis's original position. It was an ugly fight, and my loss was heavy, including Bradley wounded. The temporary success was cheering, and when Lytle's brigade joined me a little later, I suggested to Crittenden that we attack; but investigation showed that his troops, having been engaged all day, were not in condition, so the suggestion could not be carried out. The events of the day had indicated that Bragg's main object was to turn Rosecrans's left; it was, therefore, still deemed necessary that the army should continue its flank movement to the left; so orders came to draw my troops in toward the Widow Glenn's house. By strengthening the skirmish line and shifting my brigades in succession from right to left, until the point designated was reached, I was able to effect the withdrawal without much difficulty, calling in my skirmishers after the main force had retired. My command having settled down for the night in this new line, I rode to army head-quarters to learn, if possible, the expectations for the morrow, and hear the result of the battle in General Thomas's front. Nearly all the superior officers of the army were at head-quarters, and it struck me that much depression prevailed, notwithstanding the facts that the enemy's attempts during the day, to turn our left flank, and also to envelop our right, had been unsuccessful. It was now positively known, through prisoners and otherwise, that Bragg had been re-enforced to such an extent as to make him materially outnumber us; consequently there was much apprehension for the future.

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" ...At daylight on the morning of the 20th a dense fog obscured everything; consequently both armies were passive, so far as fighting was concerned. Rosecrans took advantage of the inaction to rearrange his right, and I was pulled back closer to the Widow Glenn's house to a strong position, where I threw together some rails and logs as barricades, but I was disconnected from the troops on my left by a considerable interval. Here I awaited the approach of the enemy, but he did not disturb me, although about nine o'clock in the forenoon he had opened on our extreme left with musketry fire and a heavy cannonade. Two hours later it was discovered by McCook that the interval between the main army and me was widening, and he ordered me to send Laibold's brigade to occupy a portion of the front that had been covered by Negley's division. Before getting this brigade into place, however, two small brigades of Davis's division occupied the ground, and I directed Laibold to form in column of regiments on the crest of a low ridge, in rear of Carlin's brigade, so as to prevent Davis's right flank from being turned. The enemy was now feeling Davis strongly, and I was about sending for Lytle's and Bradley's brigades, when I received an order to move these rapidly to the extreme left of the army, to the assistance of General Thomas. I rode hastily back toward their position, but in the meanwhile they had been notified by direct orders from McCook, and were moving out at a double-quick toward the Lafayette road. By this time the enemy had assaulted Davis furiously in front and flank and driven him from his line, and as the confused mass came back, McCook ordered Laibold to charge by deploying to the front. This he did through Davis's broken ranks, but i'ailed to check the enemy's heavy lines, and finally Laibold's brigrade broke also and fell to the rear. My remaining troops, headed by Lytle, were now passing along the rear of the ground where this disaster took place -- in column on the road -- en route to Thomas, and as the hundreds of fugitives rushed back, McCook directed me to throw in Lytle's and Bradley's brigades. This was hastily done, they being formed to the front under a terrible fire. Scarcely were they aligned, when the same horde of Confederates that had overwhelmed Davis and Laibold, poured in upon them a deadly fire and shivered the two brigades to pieces. We succeeded in rallying them, however, and, by a counter-attack, regained the ridge that Laibold had been driven from, where we captured the colors of the Twenty-fourth Alabama. We could not hold the ridge,

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though, and my troops were, driven back with heavy loss -- including General Lytle killed -- past the Widow Glenn's house, and till I managed to establish them in line of battle on the range of low hills behind the Dry Valley road. During these occurrences, General Rosecrans passed down the road behind my line, and sent word that he wished to see me; but affairs were too critical to admit of my going to him at once, and he rode on to Chattanooga. It is to be regretted that he did not wait till I could join him, for the delay would have permitted him to see that matters were not in quite such bad shape as he supposed; still, there is no disguising the fact that at this juncture his army was badly crippled. Shortly after my division had rallied on the low hills already described, I discovered that the enemy, instead of attacking me in front, was wedging in between my division and the balance of the army -- in short, endeavoring to cut me off from Chattanooga. This necessitated another retrograde movement, which brought me back to the southern face of Missionary Ridge, where I was joined by Carlin's brigade of Davis's division. Still thinking I could join General Thomas, I rode some distance to the left of my line to look for a way out, but found that the enemy had intervened so far as to isolate me effectually. I then determined to march directly to Rossville, and from there effect a junction with Thomas by the Lafayette road. I reached Rossville about five o'clock in the afternoon, bringing with me eight guns, forty-six caissons, and a long ammunition train, the latter having been found in a state of confusion behind the Widow Glenn's, when I was being driven back behind the Dry Valley road."

Following is the order of General W. S. Rosecrans, issued on taking leave of the Army of the Cumberland, and relinquishing the command of same to General George H. Thomas:

"HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND,

"CHATTANOOGA, TENN., October 19, 1863. 'The general commanding announces to the officers and soldiers of the Army of the Cumberland that he leaves them under orders from the President.

"Major-General George H. Thomas, in compliance with orders, will assume the command of this army and department. The chiefs of all the staff departments will report to him.

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"In taking leave of you, his brothers in arms -- officers and soldiers -- he congratulates you that your new commander comes not to you as he did, a stranger. General Thomas has been identified with this army from its first organization. He has led you often in battle. To his known prudence, dauntless courage, and true patriotism, you may look with confidence that, under God, he will lead you to victorty. The general commanding doubts not you will be as true to yourselves and your country in the future as you have been in the past.

"To the division and brigade commanders he tenders his cordial thanks for their valuable and hearty co-operation in all that he has undertaken. To the chiefs of the staff departments and their subordinates, whom he leaves behind, he owes a debt of gratitude, for their fidelity and untiring devotion to duty.

"Companions in arms -- officers and soldiers -- farewell, and may God bless you! W. S. ROSECRANS, Major-General."

The soldiers of the Army of the Cumberland had the utmost confidence in the skill, ability, and patriotism of General W. S. Rosecrans, and were deeply attached to him, and regretted very much to see him leave the department, but as he had to go, there was no other general whom they would have preferred before or above General George H. Thomas as his successor.

We find it almost impossible to avoid repetition to some extent, and also the statement or recital of events out of their chronological order, owing to following data and written memoranda up to a given date, and

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then treating on the occurrences of the same period of time in a general way.

The regiment, with others, as we have seen, found its way back to Rossville, and after a brief stop there, it accompanied the division, under the lead of its heroic commander, when he reported to General Thomas for orders. At that particular juncture, all that the division could do was to assist in covering the retirement of Thomas's troops to Rossville, and from thence to Chattanooga, where the recuperation and strengthening of the forces was commenced, and for some days continued until near the middle of October, when a more satisfactory condition of affairs was brought about.

On Sunday morning, October 11th, at four o'clock, our brigade moved to the outpost picket-line. The 44th and 73d occupied the first line of rifle-pits. All quiet during the day and the weather was fine. Sixteen men was all that Company C could muster for duty on this date. That being the case, it is fair to presume the number in the whole regiment present for duty was below two hundred.

The 73d and other regiments of the brigade were up and under arms at four o'clock on the morning of October 12th. There was no attack, and no disturbance. During the day we had nothing to do but to amuse ourselves, by lying around our "chebangs," and talk and "joke." During the afternoon Lieutenant Turpin and Captain Kyger went to the picket-line on the extreme right, where it rested on the river. They remained there only a short time, having made no discovery nor gained any information that was worth recording. They then went toward the left of the line, to take a look in that direction and inquire into matters of possible interest to us all.

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They kept along the earth-works, which led them to Fort Negley, the central point or position in the lines. The fort itself was a high earth-work, occupying a very commanding position in front of an open field, or, more properly putting it, an open field in front of the fort. Twelve guns were mounted in the fort, and places were ready to receive more. On completing their examination of Fort Negley, the lieutenant and captain went

on farther to the left, passing artillery, located at suitable intervals and in seemingly favorable positions for doing execution in case an opportunity offered. Three lines of heavy rifle-pits were in the near vicinity of the artillery. They went on until they came to the track of the Chattanooga and Charleston Railroad. Going on farther, they came to another high knoll on which was another formidable earth-work -- name not given. In front of this earth-work were several pieces of artillery behind low earth-works. Guns of heavy caliber were to be placed in the fort to the rear.

"After leaving there, saw a still higher knob to our left, and feeling anxious not to return until we saw all, we started for it. Here we found the largest and most commanding fort of all, which had two huge siege-guns, thirty-two-pounders, mounted. They have such position as to command the entire field to the "nose" of Lookout Mountain, and will be able to throw shells over

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Missionary Ridge, a distance of two miles. To the left of this the ground sloped gently to the river, near which were two huge rifle-pits, to be used for defensive purposes. We concluded that we had seen all, and returned to camp pronouncing the works very formidable. We had traveled about three miles, and were quite tired and hungry on reaching our command. Weather cool and wind blowing.

"On Picket Duty in front of Chattanooga, Tennessee, Tuesday, October 13, 1863. -- At four o'clock this morning we left the rifle-pits amid a heavy shower of rain. We relieved the 2d and 15th Missouri at the old tannery and foundry. It rained the entire day; the ground was flooded with water. All quiet. The rebels were in plain view, only about six hundred yards distant, on their sentinel line.

"On Picket Duty, Wednesday, October 14, 1863. -- It is still raining this morning. We -- Company C -- went on duty this morning at six o'clock. Our position was at the old tannery; we had eight posts, and, fortunately, all were sheltered. We had a nice time, compared to the time had by those who had to stand out in the rain. No incident of the day, except the rebels came down to the creek on opposite side for water. We have orders not to talk across, nor to exchange papers with them.

"On Outpost Picket in front of Chattanooga, Tennessee, Thursday October 15, 1863. -- Rained all night. We were up at four o'clock and found the creek and river coming up. The rain continued, making the day a very unpleasant one. We kept pretty close to our tents. We have a report that Wilder is having fair success in his race after Forrest's cavalry in our rear.

"Chattanooga, Friday, October 16, 1863. -- Still raining and very gloomy. Cleared off in afternoon, and became more pleasant. Wrote letters. Corporal Maudlin, Thomas Judd, A. Jones, Geo. Hollingsworth, and A. E. Lewis, and a like detail from the other companies than C, came back from a forage trip. They had as hard a time as a person could well imagine. All quiet.

"Chattanooga, Saturday, October 17, 1863. -- Clear this morning and very pleasant. Health good. Went to town. Was detailed to take charge of a squad from the brigade to work on Fort Sheridan. Went, and had a reasonably nice time. A mail was received. Excused at 5.30 P. M., and returned to camp. Nothing new. Think we will go into winter quarters here.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Sunday, October 18, 1863. -- Raining

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again this morning, and has been all the after part of the night. Continued raining until afternoon. Orders came for 1st and 2d Brigades to be consolidated and form 1st Brigade, 2d Division, Fourth Army Corps. Brigade to be commanded by General Steadman, division by Major-General Sheridan, and the corps by Major General Gordon Granger. Steadman is now absent; Colonel Sherman, of the 88th Illinois, commands the brigade. Wrote during the day. Walter Scott came over from the convalescent camp. He reports Sergeant Lewis -- color-bearer -- getting along well. Loud cheering in camp over the news from the election in Ohio; Vallandigham is said to be seventy thousand votes behind Brough. News good from Pennsylvania and Iowa.

"Chattanooga, Monday, October 19, 1863. -- A most beautiful morning, but cool. Had a walk down town before breakfast, and after breakfast I took another walk to the summit of hill, near the river, and below town. Had a splendid view of the river and of the mountains beyond. The rebs had built forts of earth on the most commanding points, I dug a piece of laurel-root from this point to make a ring out of, to save as a relic. After noon I got a pass, and went over to the general field hospital with W. W. Scott. Found Sergeant Lewis quite jovial, and doing well; his wound was in fairly good condition. We started back at 4.30 P. M. On arriving I found the brigade had changed camp, moved toward the left, to take our new position in the new 4th Army Corps. Maudlin and Suycott were left to guard the traps. I remained with them. We made a cup of tea, and eat our hard bread for supper. Nothing new.

"Chattanooga, Tuesday, October 20, 1863. -- Maudlin and myself staid in my old ‘chebang,’ and got our breakfast this morning. We waited until ten o'clock for the teams to haul our traps over. We moved to the left of Fort Negley. The ground was rather low in the new location, not as suitable for a camp as the place we left. Captains Morgan and Cross, and Lieutenant Bodman and myself, were appointed by the colonel to lay off the campground. All quiet in our front, but there was some cannonading on the extreme right. General Rosecrans was telegraphed that his assistance was needed on the Potomac, as the army there was being driven back. ‘Rosey’ started at five o'clock this A. M.

"Chattanooga, Wednesday, October 21, 1863. -- Weather warm, and the sky clouded. We changed our position to a better place for a camp. At 8.30 A. M. a thunder shower came up; it

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continued to rain until afternoon, when it just poured down. Did not get up my wooden ‘chebang;’ worked steady as I could between showers. Had a very poor place to sleep.

"Chattanooga, Thursday, October 22, 1863. -- More pleasant this morning and has the appearance of settled weather. Up early, and at work on ‘chebang;’ got it as near completed as I could without brick; it is seven by fourteen feet; a good size. Lieutenant Turpin received notice of the acceptance of his resignation this evening. I regret very much to have him leave the regiment. Gloomy weather on Friday, October 23d. No report of interest.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Saturday, October 24, 1863. -- Raining again. All quiet; no changes. Have my ‘chebang’ about complete, with a nice chimney in it, made of stone and brick.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Sunday, October 25, 1863. -- General Grant came to town last evening. He is to take command of this department. Got some brick to make chimneys for the boys. All quiet.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Monday, October 23, 1863. -- Weather pleasant this morning. Was mustered as captain by Captain Snyder this P. M. Arrangements are being made to cross the river below Lookout Mountain, and also to run the rebs off.

"Chattanaoga, Tuesday, October 27, 1863. -- All quiet along our part of the lines. A force went down the river in pontoon boats to drive the rebs from the mountain and throw a pontoon across about eight miles below. This force succeeded; it drove the enemy three miles. The casualties I did not learn. The artillery firing I could plainly hear. We had orders to be in readiness for an attack, provided the enemy wished to make a feint, or demonstration, to keep us here. All quiet this evening. Still on short rations; not over one-fourth rations, at most, do we get. This is quite hard, but it can not be helped, until the railroad or river is open. We hope and think one or the other of these means of relief will be afforded soon. The resignation of Lieutenant W. R. Lawrence was accepted on this date. Am really sorry to see him leave the company, and such is the feeling of a majority of the boys. All calm. Report says Sherman is now in Rome. Hope it is so.

"Wednesday, October 28, 1863. -- Weather quite pleasant this morning. All quiet on this side of Lookout Mountain, and the advance on the rebs on the 27th was all that we could wish or expect.

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"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Thursday, October 29, 1863. -- A gloomy morning; drizzling rain. Hard tack scarce; about one quarter ration in all; one half of that hard tack. Am camp officer of the day.

"Chattanooga, Friday, October 30, 1863. -- Still raining. A steamboat came within eight miles of here, from Bridgeport, Alabama, to-day. We anticipate fuller rations. All quiet. Later there was some firing at us by the rebs from Lookout Mountain, but it was of no effect.

"Chattanooga. Saturday, October 31, 1863. -- On half rations yet, with a prospect of more in a few days.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Sunday, November 1, 1863. -- On picket to-day. Had charge of the grand reserve at point where the residence of the editor of the Chattanooga Rebel used to stand. The house was pulled down and the material appropriated to make ‘chebangs’ and chimneys out of, for the soldiers. Cool northwest wind. The rebs stand picket within about three hundred yards of our front line.

"Chattanooga, Monday, November 2, 1863. -- Quite cool this morning; frost. Relieved at eight o'clock A.M., and returned to camp.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Tuesday, November 3, 1863. -- Lieutenant Lawrence started for home at eight o'clock. Claib. Madden and myself went as far as the river, and seen him safely on the other side, at 9.15 A. M. Returned to camp; wrote during the day. Firing continued all day from Lookout. As usual, no harm to us came of it.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Wednesday, November 4, 1863. -- All quiet. Raining. Still on short rations.

"Thursday and Friday, November 5 and 6, 1863. -- No changes or incidents to note.

"Same for Saturday, November 7th.

"Sunday, November 8th. -- Sky clear, and weather pleasant. Was detailed as brigade officer of the day; had charge of Stations One and Two, and the grand reserve. The wind rose, and the weather became quite cool. No signs of an advance by the enemy.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Monday, November 9, 1863. -- Still cold. Heavy frost. Returned to regiment at seven o'clock A. M. All quiet.

"Tuesday, November 10th, and Wednesday and Thursday, 11th and 12th. -- All quiet, with the exception of harmless firing from Lookout Mountain.

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"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Friday, November 13, 1863. -- Weather warm and pleasant. Our brigade was called to witness the execution of two soldiers for the crime of desertion. The brigade was all in readiness, and formed three sides of a hollow square, along a deep fill in the railroad; then came the procession, headed by the provost marshal, Captain Carroll; following came twelve guards; then came the eight soldiers carrying the coffins of the unfortunate men on their shoulders; then following behind each coffin was the man whose body would soon be placed therein. They moved around so that we might all get to see them, the rear guard closing up. After moving to the center of the square, the coffins were set down on the ground, each man sitting on his coffin; the squad that was to fire the volley took position about ten paces to the front. The ministers spent a few moments with the condemned men, placing bandages over their eyes, and then at the wave of a white handkerchief the volley was discharged, and each man fell off his coffin, dead. We then marched by them to camp, and were dismissed. Still there were occasional shots from Lookout Mountain.

"Saturday, November 14, 1863. -- Quite pleasant this morning. Called into line at eleven A. M.; went back to camp; remained in line but a short time.

"Sunday, November 15, 1863. -- Cool and windy. Went on picket. I had charge of grand reserve; Captain Atwater, of the 42d Illinois, was along, and was senior captain.

"Monday, November 16, 1863. -- Clear in the morning, but rained before night. The rebs have their sentinels quite close -- not more than two hundred yards from us.

"Chattanooga, Tuesday, November 17, 1863. -- Raining this morning, and a cold north-west wind. Prospect of a forward move. Sherman's forces nearing us, on opposite side of river. At dusk there was a detail from the regiment sent out to relieve the pickets, that they might come in and get ready for the expected movement. Colonel Miller was out with me. It commenced raining at nine P. M., and continued raining during the night; a perfect sluice of water on the surface.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Wednesday, November 18, 1863. -- Raining yet, and turning colder ; wind from the north-west. Were relieved at eight A. M., and returned to camp.

"Thursday, November 19,1863. -- Forward movement postponed on account of rains. Rained all day. A south-west wind.

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"Chattanooga, November 20, 1863. -- Clear. Popping away, as usual, from Lookout. No incident.

"Chattanooga, Tennessee, Saturday, November 21, 1863. -- All quiet. Weather pleasant. No changes or incidents to note.

"Sunday, November 22, 1863. -- Went on picket at same place we had been before. The rebel pickets seem to be gradually nearing ours.

"Monday, November 23, 1863. -- Weather pleasant; not a cloud visible. All quiet in forenoon. 1.30 o'clock P. M. the long roll sounded, ‘To arms!’ All to our left marched out to the picket-lines; our brigade followed. Bands playing, flags unfurled. Soon after we took position, skirmishing commenced on the extreme left. The extreme left moved around, so that at sunset it rested at the base of Mission Ridge. Three hundred Confederates fell prisoners, while the loss on our side in the skirmish was very slight. At five o'clock P. M. the 73d moved to the front line, and remained there until after dark, when orders came to intrench. At nine o'clock P. M. we had good works; a skirmish-line to our front, and the rebels not more than one hundred and fifty yards away. Occasionally there were shots along the lines; deserters coming in.

"In the Trenches in front of Chattanooga, Tuesday, November 24, 1863. -- At four o'clock A. M. we were assigned a position to the left, to fill a space caused by the lengthening of the lines. All quiet at daylight along the whole line. Raining, and cool. At eight A. M., Hooker made the attack on the enemy on Lookout Mountain, with infantry. At ten o'clock the artillery on Moccasin Point, and below, opened. Terrific and grand was the artillery duel, as witnessed from our position. The rebels had their artillery high up on the mountain. Such a roar and echoing I never heard from artillery before. There was also a continual din of small arms. A heavy cloud hung over the top of the mountain, hiding it from view, and rendering useless the artillery up there. The sounds seemed to grow louder and nearer until 12.15 P. M., when we saw the rebels coming around the mountain, retreating on quick time. Very soon Hooker's men could be seen following up. At this sight, a yell was sent up all along our lines. The rebs were driven beyond the house, at the two-thirds point from base of mountain, and into the woods, where they made a stubborn resistance until late at night. Our lines remained the same as in the morning, having had nothing to do but witness the storming of the mountain. The firing could be distinctly heard and the flashes seen until 11.30 o'clock P. M.

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"In tlie Ditches in front of Chattanooga, Wednesday, November 25, 1863. -- Up at four A. M. All quiet on the lines and on Lookout Mountain. The rebs have all left the mountain. Hooker has moved near its brow on east side. At sunrise the rebels were seen moving their forces to our left; they moved along the top of Mission Ridge. 8 o'clock A. M. -- Pleasant, not a cloud to be seen. All quiet except an occasional artillery shot, and reply by our batteries. General Sherman's forces crossed the Tennessee River about four miles above town, and at 8.30 this morning commenced skirmishing, and moving gradually on the rebel right and pressing them from their line of works at the foot of Missionary Ridge. We lay in our old position, until 1.30 P. M., when skirmishers were thrown out in front and our line ordered to be advanced to the rebel rifle-pits. This was done without the firing of a gun. During the forenoon we moved from our right to the support of the left; deployed all to our left. 3 o'clock P. M. -- Orders came for a forward move at the firing of six shots from cannon on Orchard Knob, which was the signal for the whole line to move forward. We moved forward promptly on double-quick time. Our division had to charge across a sparsely wooded vale, then into an open lawn-covered space for near one mile and a fourth, until we came to the first rifle-pits at the foot of the ridge. This was done under a desperate fire from both artillery and infantry. Some fell on the lawn. Most of the shots were too high; shells burst directly over us. General Sheridan rode up behind the 73d and remarked: ‘I know you; fix bayonets and go ahead.’ We were in the front line. We halted at the rifle-pits for a short time to rest and give the short-winded soldiers time to get up. Then we moved to the second line of works; rested again, after driving the rebels and taking many prisoners. Moved again, and under a terrific fire, reached the third line. Many fell. Started again; had to move up a hill at an inclination of about thirty degrees, exposed to bursting shell and a shower of grape, canister and minie-balls. The only shelter that we had was now and then a tree, a log, or a stump. The flags moved up gradually ; the color-bearers would stop and await the coming up of the men, who were pouring on the enemy a terrible fire; the enemy, having all reached the top of the ridge, except those who had been either killed, wounded, or captured. It was at this point that Stephen Newlin and Nathaniel Henderson were wounded. I left Sergeant Sheets to care for them, when we moved on again.

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This was our hardest time; we had to pass a more exposed point. From tree to tree, from stump to stump, and from log to log, we went until we came to a point where the slope was greater, the

ascent steeper, perhaps about forty degrees elevation. Here we remained about twenty minutes, to get in readiness to make the final charge. General Sheridan, came riding up; when we started and moved steadily on until we reached the top of the ridge. Just before we got there the rebels threw hand grenades and rocks at us. No matter for that, our flags and banners must be planted on the top of the ridge. Hasty fell; I took the flag and moved forward, but soon became exhausted and fell. Hasty caught up, and we went on together, and planted the colors on top the ridge at five o'clock P. M., about three paces in the rear of the 88th Illinois."

In a letter from Colonel Jaquess, dated London, England, August 2, 1889, he says:

"While reading General Sheridan's Memoirs, I made note of the following, among other statements which I found, viz.: The general, in speaking of his movements with his cavalry around Richmond and Petersburg, in the last days of the rebellion, says: ‘Mounting a powerful gray pacing horse, called Breckinridge (from its capture from one of Breckinridge's staff officers at Missionary Ridge), and that I knew would carry me through the mud,’ etc. Vol. II, page 143. Now, General Sheridan knew that this horse was captured by one of the 73d boys, for I presented him with the horse myself, with saddle, bridle, and full equipments, and I told him of the circumstances of the capture of the horse, over which he laughed most heartily."

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William Corzine, of Company I, captured the horse, and Colonel Jaquess relates the circumstances of the capture as follows:

"As we were in line, November 25, 1863, and about to move on the enemy's works, consisting of three lines, all of which we captured, the 73d in front as usual, I rode along the line and said jestingly to the men, who were eager for the fray: ‘Besides whipping the rebels thoroughly, and paying them up fully for what they did at Chickamauga, I want you to capture, besides many prisoners, one horse -- a good one -- for me. They -- the rebs -- got both of my fine horses at Chickamauga, as you know, and I want one now in return, and another later on.’ As we passed over the last line of works, where we captured many prisoners, one of my men rushed out into the bushes in front, and in a moment or two returned with a fine gray horse, and said: ‘Here, Colonel, I have brought you your horse.’ It was this horse that General Sheridan mentions as being in his service around Richmond."

We recur now to Captain Kyger's description of the scene on the crest of the ridge; beginning where we left off:

"Now came a time of rejoicing as those coming up the ridge would reach its crest. Yell after yell went up the whole length of the ridge. But with us this did not last long. We charged down the eastern slope of the ridge, taking many prisoners and some artillery in the valley. The number of pieces of artillery taken in our immediate front was seventeen. Our losses were not heavy, when compared to the work accomplished. The 73d lost three killed and twenty-two wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Davidson was slightly wounded in the right wrist. Bishop, Ellis, Hasty, and Lewis were among the very first to reach the top of the ridge. This was a great victory; something that, to look the ground over, would seem impossible to accomplish -- charging a distance of two miles, about half the way at an average angle of thirty-five degrees. Loss in division, according to General Sheridan's report, was, in killed and wounded, one hundred and twenty-two commissioned officers, and eleven hundred and seventy enlisted men. I can give no figures on the rebel loss, but it was

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quite heavy, and their defeat was a complete one. Bragg rode along about fifteen minutes before we arrived at the summit of the ridge, and a lady questioned him thus: ‘ What will I do when the Yankees come up here?’ to which Bragg answered: ‘Why, madam, you must be crazy; the Yankees can never come here in the world; I have forty thousand men here.’

"On the Road to Chickamauga Station, Thursday, November 26, 1863. -- Marched on to Chickamauga Creek. Returned to Chattanooga at sunset.

"27th. -- In camp.

"28th. -- Fourth Corps marched to the relief of Burnside at Knoxville. Camped on north bank of Chickamauga Creek.

"29th. -- Marched through Harrison, camping a short distance north of town.

"30th. -- Marched at six A. M. Crossed the Hiawassee River on a pontoon bridge after night, and went into camp on north bank.

"December 1st. -- Quite cool. Marched again; went into camp after a tramp of fifteen miles.

"2d. -- Crossed the Little Tennessee River at Morgantown, on bridge the pioneers erected.

"3d. -- Continued on the march.

"4th. -- Passed through Philadelphia, leaving the railroad to our left.

It was, of course, the main care and business of the army, for the first two or three weeks following the battle of Chickamauga, to protect, strengthen, and build itself up, and prepare for coming events. During this time the scarcity of supplies for both man and beast began to be a source of anxiety and concern. We had

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occasion to write to Major George O. Pond relative to material he had furnished for this work, and we asked him to furnish more, thinking he would perhaps be able to help us out on that portion of this history which relates the experiences of the regiment during the siege of Chattanooga. The doctor's characteristic reply we copy in full:

"CAMP POINT, ILLINOIS, May 17, 1889.

"DEAR COMRADE, -- I received your letter this morning, and, in answer to your request, will say that at the time you mention (the 25th of September, 1863) I had charge of General Sheridan's division wounded-in-the-field hospital, over the river, opposite Chattanooga, where I had sixteen hundred wounded men of the division. The regiment I visited quite often; it was encamped in Chattanooga, just back of Fort Lafayette, exactly in front of General Bragg's head-quarters on Missionary Ridge. It stayed there until after the charge under the orders of General Grant. Its principal business while there -- when not on some kind of duty, as near as I could find by frequent visits -- was shooting rats, and stealing corn from the starving horses, in order to eke out the scanty rations and keep from starving. The regiment was quite small from the losses in killed, wounded, and missing, from the battle-field of Chickamauga, at that time; but gained some before it started for Knoxville, the latter part of November. I don't know as this will be of any use to you, but it is all I know about it. Respectfully yours, G. O. POND."

The rats were shot, no doubt, to enable the boys to come nearer having a monopoly of stealing corn intended for the mules and horses. The region of country, of which Chattanooga was the center, was very rough and broken, entailing on foraging parties the necessity of going long distances, over tortuous and muddy roads, in quest of such supplies as might be gathered in the district of which our forces had possession. Supplies of all kinds, short at the commencement of the siege, but becoming shorter all the time, diminished the powers

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of endurance of the men, horses, and mules. As the ability to labor, endure, and withstand decreased, the work, hardship, and privation increased. Clothing, camp equipage, and medical stores were inadequate, also, to meet the extra demands, which waning physical strength produced. Very hard, laborious, and trying, indeed, was the routine of duty and camp living, pending the memorable siege of Chattanooga. Weary marches, or toilsome trudging rather, had to be undergone on the foraging expeditions. Wakefulness and watchfulness had to be maintained on the picket and skirmish line, owing to the immediate presence of the vigilant, insolent, and threatening enemy. Camp and police duty had to be kept up. In addition to all these were the unavoidable suspense, the uneasy longings, the restless expectancy, and the disappointed hopes, inevitably arising as a consequence of the unfortunate turn of affairs, or combination of circumstances, following the battle of Chickamauga. One stage of privation was reached and passed, to be succeeded by another, if possible, still more nearly unendurable and vexatious. Not unfrequently called up at three o'clock in the morning to go on picket or on the skirmish-line, or to form in line of battle, and be under arms; and loss of sleep, loss of rest, deprivation of every kind, characterized the siege, until, at last, the alternative of surrender or starvation was almost presented, and the latter chosen. "We will hold out till we STARVE," were the words of the unconquered, noble General George H. Thomas, in answer to General Grant's telegraphic order to "hold out."

At last the promise of relief, sure to be fulfilled at an early date, enabled the nearly famished army to "tide over," "hold out," the few remaining days of the

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siege, or until supplies came in greater abundance. General Grant reached Chattanooga on or about October 24, 1863, and re-enforcements -- two corps, the 11th and 12th, from the East -- had arrived, and opened up the communications, and restored the "cracker-line," before this date. And about the middle of November, General Sherman's forces were nearing Chattanooga, on the opposite side of the Tennessee River, and above the town. It was only a question of time, and that short -- only a few days -- when Bragg's army would be driven from its perch on Lookout Mountain, and from the crest of Missionary Ridge. There is little in the bringing about of these results to be astonished at, in view of the fact that Bragg's army had been weakened by detaching Longstreet's corps, and sending it to Knoxville against Burnside; and Rosecrans's -- now Grant's -- army had been heavily re-enforced by the addition of the forces of Hooker and Sherman. This reduction of the rebel forces from what they were at Chickamauga, and this addition to the Union forces that were engaged in that battle, more than reversed the conditions, at the battle of Missionary Ridge, as to the numerical superiority of the armies, respectively.

At Missionary Ridge our forces outnumbered those of the enemy; but for defensive purposes, the position held by Bragg's army on Missionary Ridge was vastly superior to that held by Rosecrans's army at Chickamauga. Acting on the defensive, and having all the advantage of position, are at least two considerations, or conditions, to be counted in favor of the rebel army, and against the Union army, at Missionary Ridge, and make the achievements of the latter in that battle truly wonderful and praiseworthy.

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On page 85, of Volume II, of General Grant's Memoirs, we find this statement:

"The victory at Chattanooga was won against great odds, considering the advantage the enemy had of position, and was accomplished more easily than was expected, by reason of Bragg's making several grave mistakes: First, in sending away his ablest corps commander, with over twenty thousand troops; second, in sending away a division of troops on the eve of battle; third, in placing so much of a force on the plain in front of his impregnable position."

We have unawares gotten away from the regiment, and off the subject. To return, we will recall and repeat what Captain Kyger noted, respecting the color-bearers and colors, pending the ascent of the ridge:

"The flags moved up gradually; the color-bearers would stop, and await the coming up of the men, who were pouring in a deadly fire on the enemy."

Then, later on, when nearing the crest of the ridge the facts and circumstances, as far as our regimental colors are concerned, are thus stated by Kyger, after mentioning the use by the enemy of hand-grenades and rocks as a means of resistance:

"No matter for that, our flags and banners must be planted on the top of the ridge. Hasty fell; I took the flag and moved forward, but soon became exhausted and fell; Hasty caught up, and we went on together, and planted the colors on top the ridge at five o'clock P. M., about three paces in the rear of the 88th Illinois."

Kyger does not say that the colors of the 73d were the first planted on the ridge; nor does he say that the colors of any other particular regiment were placed there first, though he had about as well said the colors of the 88th were first planted there, as to have said that the colors of the 73d were planted on top the ridge at

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five o'clock P. M., about three paces in the rear of the 88th Illinois. It is undoubtedly true that quite a number of regiments, and regimental colors, of Sheridan's division, reached the summit of Missionary Ridge at very nearly the same moment of time; and that they did so a little in advance of the regiments in either of the connecting divisions, is perhaps equally true; but it is, and will be, next to impossible for any regiment to fully and satisfactorily establish a claim to having planted its flag on top of Missionary Ridge before any other Union regimental flag was planted there. Among the first flags to be planted on Missionary Ridge, November 25, 1863, was that of the 73d Illinois. We might limit the number to the first ten, or the first half-dozen flags so planted; but that is the best we can claim, and perhaps more than we can prove. Captain Kyger says that Bishop, Ellis, Hasty, and Lewis were among the very first to reach the top of the ridge. Hasty was our regimental color-bearer, and, of course, had the colors with him at the time.

At a reunion held at Fairmount, Illinois, by Companies C and E, of the 73d, in October, 1886, it was stoutly claimed by several members of the two companies that the colors of the 73d were the first planted on the crest of Missionary Ridge, November 25, 1863; and that General Sheridan must be aware that such was the fact. Accordingly, General Sheridan was written to, and interrogated on the subject; but if he knew, he

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was very careful not to disclose his knowledge or opinion in the premises. His aid, Lieutenant-Colonel Blunt, wrote as follows:

"HEAD-QUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,

"WASHINGTON, D. C., November 5, 1886.

"DEAR SIR, -- I am desired by Lieutenant-General Sheridan, in reply to your letter of October 30th, to say that he is not prepared to say which regiment first planted its flag on the hostile works, at the summit of Missionary Ridge, in the action of November 25, 1863. In this connection he desires me also to express his appreciation of the services of the 73d Illinois, in this and other engagements, and his admiration for the gallantry displayed by both officers and men. Yours truly,

"S. E. BLUNT, Lieutenant-Colonel and Aid-de-Camp.

"MR. WILLIAM H. NEWLIN, Danville, Vermilion County, Illinois."

We make the following extracts from General Sheridan's Memoirs, treating of the work accomplished by his division in the action at Missionary Ridge, November 25, 1863, beginning at page 308, of Volume I, but not copying the whole of that, or of any of the following pages. It must be borne in mind that our regiment was in Colonel Frank T. Sherman's brigade. Sheridan says:

"About two o'clock orders came to carry the line at the foot of the ridge, attacking at a signal of six guns. I had few changes or new dispositions to make. Wagner's brigade, which was next to Wood's division, was formed in double lines, and Harker's brigade took the same formation on Wagner's right. Colonel F. T. Sherman's brigade came on Harker's right, formed in a column of attack, with a front of three regiments, he having nine. My whole front was covered with a heavy line of skirmishers."

He then locates his division, gives its position with reference to the others, making its center exactly opposite Bragg's head-quarters on Missionary Ridge. The stream of water, the fringe of timber, and the plain

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beyond, extending to the foot of Missionary Ridge, is mentioned; then proceeding, he says:

"At the foot of the ridge was the enemy's first line of rifle-pits ; at a point midway up its face another line, incomplete; and on the crest was a third line, in which Bragg had massed his artillery."

The enemy's preparations for resistance are described, and the discussion with his brigade commanders concerning orders, and the sending of Captain Ransom to Granger to ascertain whether the first line only, or the ridge beyond, should be carried, are in turn alluded to, as is also the impatient waiting for the signal guns to fire. Then Sheridan proceeds:

"Shortly after Ransom started, the signal guns were fired, and I told my brigade commanders to go for the ridge. Placing myself in front of Harker's brigade, between the lines of battle and the skirmishers, accompanied by only an orderly, so as not to attract the enemy's fire, we moved out. Under a terrible storm of shot and shell, the line pressed forward steadily through the timber, and, as it emerged on the plain, took the double-quick, and with fixed bayonets rushed at the enemy's first line. Not a shot was fired from our line of battle, and as it gained on my skirmishers, they melted into and became one with it, and all three of my brigades went over the rifle-pits simultaneously. Then they lay down on the face of the ridge for a breathing-spell, and for protection from the terrible fire of canister and musketry pouring over us from the guns on the crest." ...

Prisoners captured at this point went hurrying to the rear, in the direction of Chattanooga, to escape danger from the galling fire of their own men on the summit of the ridge, while those who did not surrender, "scampered" lively for their next line of works, being exposed to the same fire. Noting the return of Captain Ransom, who had gone to see General Granger, and a

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few other minor events, General Sheridan goes on and describes the movement of the troops, the color-bearers also receiving due attention:

"In the meantime Harker's and F. T. Sherman's troops were approaching the partial line of works midway of the ridge, and as I returned to the center of their rear, they were being led by many stands of regimental colors. There seemed to be a rivalry as to which color should be farthest to the front; first one would go forward a few feet, then another would come up to it, the color-bearers vying with one another as to who should be foremost, until finally every standard was planted on the intermediate works. The enemy's fire from the crest during the ascent was terrific in the noise made; but as it was plunging, it overshot, and had little effect on those above the second line of pits, but was very uncomfortable for those below, so I deemed it advisable to seek another place, and Wagner's brigade having reassembled and again pressed up the ridge, I rode up the face to join my troops. As soon as the men saw me, they surged forward and went over the works on the crest....

"The right and center of my division gained the summit first, they being partially sheltered by a depression in the face of the ridge, the Confederates in their immediate front fleeing down the southern face....Wildly cheering, the men advanced along the ridge toward Bragg's head-quarters, and soon drove the Confederates from this last position, capturing a number of prisoners, among them Breckinridge's and Bates's adjutant-generals, and the battery that had made such stout resistance on the crest -- two guns which were named ‘Lady Breckinridge’ and ‘Lady Buckner’ -- General Bragg himself having barely time to escape before his head-quarters were taken."

So, according to Sheridan, the right -- F. T. Sherman's brigade, in which the 73d was included -- and center of his division reached the top of the ridge first. As he was speaking of his own division only, we are to understand that the right and center reached the summit before the left of his division did. To conclude:

"I took into the action an effective force of six thousand, and lost 123 officers, and 1,181 men, killed and wounded. These

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casualties speak louder than words of the character of the fight, and plainly tell where the enemy struggled most stubbornly, for these figures comprise one-third the casualties of the entire body of Union troops -- Sherman's, and all included. My division captured 1,762 prisoners, and, in all, seventeen pieces of artillery. Six of these guns I turned over with caissons complete; eleven were hauled off the field and appropriated by an officer of high rank -- General Hazen.

"General Grant says: ‘To Sheridan's prompt movement, the Army of the Cumberland and the Nation are indebted for the bulk of the capture of prisoners, artillery, and small arms, that day. Except for his prompt pursuit, so much in this way would not have been accomplished.’

"General Thomas says: ‘We captured all their cannon and ammunition, before they could be removed or destroyed. After halting a few moments to reorganize the troops, who had become somewhat scattered in the assault of the hill, General Sheridan pushed forward in pursuit, and drove those in his front who had escaped capture across Chickamauga Creek.’

"Colonel Harker, commander of 3d Brigade, says: ‘My right and Colonel Sherman's left interlocked, so to speak, as we approached the summit, and it was near this point that I saw the first part of my line gain the crest. This was done by a few brave men of my own and Colonel Sherman's command driving the enemy from his intrenchments. The gap thus opened, our men rushed rapidly in, and the enemy, loath to give up their position, still remained, firing at my command toward the left, and the battery in front of the house known as General Bragg's head-quarters was still firing at the troops, and was captured by our men while the gunners were still at their posts.’"

The intent on the part of Sheridan in reproducing parts of these several reports is to show that his division was not the last one to effect a lodgment on the summit of Missionary Ridge, but the first division to reach that point. Being the first to arrive on top the ridge, Sheridan's division was the first rested, and the first ready to pursue the enemy, and make the captures

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of prisoners, cannon, and small-arms that General Grant credits it with making. According to General Thomas, but one division made pursuit of the fleeing Confederates, and that was Sheridan's. General Sheridan not only asked for more troops to join his division in the pursuit, but resorted to the device of a feigned attack, or engagement, in the hope that Granger would send re-enforcements; but they were not sent. Granger heard the noise of the "sham battle," but would not be fooled by it.

In the afternoon of the next day Sheridan, under orders, returned to Chattanooga, to commence getting his command as well fitted out for the winter campaign as he might from the limited supplies in store there. Never, since leaving Murfreesboro, six months before this, had our regiment been in possession of more stores of any kind than was absolutely necessary while on the march. Winter was now at hand, and supplies of every kind scant, and the only compensating feature for this condition of things, was the fact that there was plenty of exercise and some roughness ahead. Hard marching would partly overcome, or obviate, the need of clothing, and at the same time create an appetite for, or render palatable, such supplies of food as might be picked up in the country to be traversed.

Scarcely any time was permitted for rest and recuperation to that portion of the army which was to go to the relief of Burnside and East Tennessee. We have already noted the fact that the 73d started with the 4th Corps, November 28th, for Knoxville. This appears from Kyger's memoranda last quoted, which shows that the regiment passed through Philadelphia, Tennessee, on

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December 4, 1863. The necessities of the case; Burnside's predicament, hemmed in at Knoxville, nearly all supplies cut off, called imperiously and loudly for help, and no time was allowed for rest or refurnishing the army, before it started from Chattanooga northward. Probably army stores of all kinds were not abundant at Chattanooga at the time.

Rations were scarce, clothing scant, and the season of the year unfavorable for active military operations; the country was hilly and broken, the roads rough and difficult, muddy and slippery, owing to frequent rains; so, taken altogether, it is clearly obvious that the march was a severe one. Badly worn shoes, which afforded meager protection to the feet, made the marching all the more trying and provoking to the sorely, heavily-tasked veterans. Ragged, bedraggled, mud-bespattered pants, the clothing all in sorry plight, were the rule, not the exception, on this enforced campaign. Not merely discomfort, inconvenience, and privation characterized the fatiguing march, but suffering, real suffering, was patiently endured on the way to Knoxville.

Recollections of all past services, whether rewarded with success or not; recollections of their recent brilliant and substantial achievements stimulated and spurred the soldiers on in the path of duty. If the

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sufferings of the patriots of the Revolution under Washington, at Valley Forge, were necessary to secure the independence of the country, so now, perhaps, the sufferings of their descendants were necessary to preserve and perpetuate the Government and institutions of the country, and hand them down, purified and regenerated, to present and later times.

Immediate and pressing were the needs of our patient, beleaguered, and besieged army, shut in at Knoxville; the loyal, patriotic, persecuted, and long-suffering people of East Tennessee were yearning for liberation from rebel sway, and must be relieved from the yoke and burden of a most despicable tyranny; the great anxiety and solicitude, which this state of affairs produced in the minds of a loyal President and people, must be allayed; so the soldiers, animated, encouraged, IMPELLED by all these considerations, strove and struggled on, until the clouds lifted; Burnside was succored; East Tennessee was redeemed. The closing days of 1863 found our regiment at Blain's Cross-roads, northward a few miles from Knoxville. Sherman's forces, which had also participated in the campaign which raised the siege of Knoxville, returned immediately to their camps on the Tennessee, near Chattanooga.

Owing to the necessity, on the part of our soldiers, to subsist in large measure off the country, the opportunity for the mingling of the soldiers among the people was created, improved, and enjoyed to an extent beyond what had ever been previously experienced by them.

To facilitate this living off the country, but few troops were encamped at any one point. The people of East Tennessee, the "rank and file" of them, were mainly

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truly loyal to the Union, and hailed with joy and gladness the coming of Federal troops into their midst.

With this we close this chapter, and the record for the year -- the eventful year 1863.

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Chapter V.

WINTER IN EAST TENNESSEE -- DANDRIDGE CAMPAIGN -- PRELIMINARY MOVEMENT -- ATLANTA CAMPAIGN -- BACK TO CHATTANOOGA -- A GREAT DEAL OF BUSINESS IN OUR LINE ALL SUMMER AND FALL -- BY RAIL TO HUNTSVILLE AND ATHENS -- THENCE ON FOOT TO PULASKI AND LINNVILLE.

EAST TENNESSEE being, for the most part, rough, hilly, and mountainous, the area of level lands for cultivation was necessarily small. And that part of the surface of the earth in this region devoted to the purposes of producing the necessaries of life was cut up by these hills, mountains, rivers and lesser streams into small tracts. The most diminutive of these tracts, in the roughest portion of the country, was tilled, if in no other way, then by hand with the spade and hoe. This accounts for the fact that in estimating the amount of corn produced on any little patch or "nook or corner" of ground, it was given as so many hills, instead of so many acres of corn. Very frequently the area put in corn, or other crops, was much less than an acre in a place.

Large farms and plantations were not numerous in East Tennessee as in other portions of the State, and in other Southern States. The nature of the country, its romantic irregularity and unevenness, were not so well adapted to the laying off and cultivation of large farms or estates. For this reason negro slaves were not owned or held very extensively in East

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Tennessee. A very considerable majority of the population were whites, and toiled with their own hands for subsistence. The sympathies of this class, the laboring class, were naturally on the side of freedom and Union in the pending contest. There were a few white people, the majors, colonels, and generals, those who owned and held a few slaves and more or less lands, whose interests and sympathies were all on the side of the rebellion, as a rule. These, belonging to the governing class, holding sway, and being better organized, had sufficient influence and power to lead astray a fraction of the poorer, laboring white people, and enlist them under the banners of treason, contrary to their true interests and natural, inborn impulses. Various causes, remote and otherwise, combined to make the separation or dividing line between the loyal and disloyal, the union and disunion elements in East Tennessee, strongly marked or well defined; the loyal party was intensely loyal, and the rebellious party was intensely rebellious.

The rough country, the mountain districts, the woods, thickets, and jungles, furnished excellent hiding-places for refugees, or marauding bands, of either side. So East Tennessee was a continual battle-ground from the opening of hostilities, in 1861, to the final and complete reoccupation of that country by the Union forces in the winter of 1863-64.

Worthy, not merely of mention, but of all praise, is the devoted and tried and conspicuous loyalty and heroism of the women of East Tennessee. Many of them suffered and endured hardships in the cause; but many dared to do or undertake hazardous service in behalf of the Federal Government or forces.

Union soldiers mingled freely among the loyalists of

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East Tennessee and their families, as they had opportunity. As to the truth of some allegations, that many marriages took place between our soldiers and the young women of the country adjacent to our camps, we can not say. If any took place, they were doubtless strictly legal and proper. The machinery of the local government was, in most counties, disgruntled, or "out of joint;" but the "emergency," or "military necessity," would, in most cases, afford some pretext or excuse for our excellent army chaplains to go on with the ceremony.

The many water-courses and mountain streams of East Tennessee afford excellent water-power milling facilities. The number and locality of these mills furnished another reason, in addition to that already mentioned, for the scattering of our forces, and the camping of a brigade, or part of one -- sometimes of a regiment only -- in a place. Frequent interchange of visits from one regiment to another by our soldiers, as well as visits to the families in the several neighborhoods, as before alluded to, rendered necessary, or afforded an opportunity for, the making of trips by night, by small squads, or individuals. Sometimes these trips or ventures would be several miles from camp; rivers would be crossed and recrossed, or rowed up and down in the canoe, before the squad or individual would return to camp. Likewise, mountains and ridges would be gone over, and obscure paths and by-paths be threaded in making these adventures, some attended with more or less risk.

Meals, prepared more after the home-style and quality, were in this way obtained; the first paving the way for the second and third, and so on; and in this manner acquaintances were made, and intimacies were formed,

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that were not broken off or discontinued until the army moved, and perhaps not then, if any weddings resulted.

We have, as far as possible, depended entirely on memoranda in the preparation of this chapter, and have condensed and abridged as much as we could, without doing violence to important facts and incidents. No matter how full and extended a statement we might have made, many matters of interest to some part of the regiment, if not to the whole of it, would have been omitted anyhow; and it costs money to print books, and takes time to read them. We regret very much that memoranda covering the period of time spent in East Tennessee could not be obtained. What data we have had access to, were very meager; there being no entries for intervals of several days. We have availed ourselves of the use of memoranda made by Thomas J. Cassaday, of Company B, 73d Illinois; also of Captain Kyger's, as heretofore. These have proved to be very helpful, and where neither of these give account of daily occurrences, we have supplied the omissions, bridged over the gaps, the best we could, drawing upon our personal knowledge and recollection, refreshed, of course, by examining history.

The close of the year 1863, and the beginning of the year 1864 as well, found the regiment at Blain's Cross-roads. The point mentioned last before Blain's Cross-roads, as lying in the route followed by the regiment, was Philadelphia, Tennessee. Of course, many intermediate points were touched by the command on its march northward; the principal of these were Loudon, Kingston, and Knoxville. Longstreet having been compelled to raise the siege of Knoxville, early in December, and retire in the direction of Virginia, Sherman,

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with his immediate command, returned to Chattanooga, leaving Granger with the 4th Corps to winter in the region of country about Knoxville. It was a severe winter, especially considering that our soldiers were poorly clad and fed.

It appears the whole of the 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Corps, was encamped at Blain's Cross-roads, early in January, 1864, but divided up and scattered out, in order to obtain more and better rations, the supply becoming very scant about that time. The 73d went to Haworth's mills, on January 1st, and thereafter had more to subsist on; but the men had to grind wheat and corn at the mill into flour and meal, in order to make, with what the commissary issued, anything like full supplies. While at Haworth's mills, Captain Kyger visited a number of families at New Market, who had relatives or acquaintances in Illinois, about Georgetown. Among them were the Braseltons, Moffats, Inmans, and Bakers, all rebels as it happened, and all despondent.

The regiment remained at Haworth's mills until January 17th. It then joined and moved with the brigade and the balance of the 4th Corps to Dandridge, where it arrived on the evening of date last named. A skirmish was had with the enemy, in which the latter was driven nearly two miles. The 23d Army Corps was also at Dandridge. January 18th there was more or less skirmishing during the day; a severe one took place in the afternoon. At sunset, orders to fall back to Knoxville were issued, and the troops started just before dark, and marched all night. The enemy pursued our forces about five miles of the way. But few stops were made during the night, and these were brief.

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At 5.15 o'clock on the morning of January 19th the command halted for three-quarters of an hour, to allow time to rest, build fires, and make coffee. The weather was very disagreeable; a cold, drizzling rain was falling, accompanied by wind, and some snow. The march was resumed promptly at six o'clock A. M., and continued until two P. M. The Holston River was crossed on the railroad bridge, at Strawberry Plains. After our forces were all across the river, the bridge was burned. The roads became very muddy, and the rain continued to fall. The command was halted at McMillan's Station the night of the 19th, and permitted to rest there during the 20th day of January.

Early on the 21st the march was again resumed, the command reaching Knoxville in the afternoon. The campaign to Dandridge and return was a very trying one, and told severely on the men. Many were taken sick as a result of exposure and hard marching. Captain Kyger, among others, was taken very sick, and had to report to the hospital. He was under the treatment and care of Dr. Crosby for quite a long time. Captain Wallace, of Company I, was also ailing, but had recovered in some measure, and was able to bestow much care and attention upon Captain Kyger before the 14th of February, at which time Captain Wallace, having been granted a leave of absence, started for home. The regiment went into camp at Lenoir's Station, near the middle of February, or some time between the 13th and 20th of the month. It being probable that the command would remain at this point for some time, extra care was taken in putting up quarters. After getting matters straightened out and regulated, some system and order established, regimental drills and dress

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parades were resumed, after quite a lengthy interval of exemption from such military duties.

It was from this camp that a great deal of the branching-out and going forth into the country was done. Most, if not all, these incursions into the rural districts were made after night; the presence of soldiers, as a rule, being required in camp, or at the post of duty, in day-time, as well as at night; but night-time was the best time to slip off, the time when a soldier was less liable to be called for, or detailed; and night was the best time, too, to have a good time in the country. Colonel Jaquess was present and in command of the regiment while at Lenoir's.

From March 6th, Captain Kyger continued to improve, and on the 16th he applied for leave of absence; his application, owing to the peculiar circumstances of his case, was hurried through, his "sick-leave" was granted, and he received it on the 21st, and started from Knoxville early on the 22d of March for Illinois, stopping off, however, at Lenoir's, to make a short visit with the regiment on the way.

"Major" Huffman and Abram Jones, of Company C, and Commissary-Sergeant Hoskinson, having been granted furloughs at about this time, accompanied Kyger a part of the way to Illinois.

On March 22d snow fell to the depth of six inches at Lenoir's. It not only looked but felt very much like Northern winter weather. Events proceeded with but slight variation for the next three weeks; things would have become quite monotonous, indeed, had it not been that orders to move were expected almost daily. The expected orders were received on April 16th. Next morning luggage was packed up, and at nine o'clock the

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command marched away from Lenoir's. The Holston River was crossed near Loudon, and the first halt and camp for the night was one mile below that place.

The march was resumed at eight o'clock on the morning of April 18th; thirteen miles was made, and Sweet Water was the point where the command rested the night of that date. On the 19th, marched fifteen miles, and camped for the night at Athens, a nice little town, the county-seat of McMinn County. Started early next morning -- at daylight -- crossed the Hiawassee River at Chatata, and camped for the night on a high hill, in the vicinity of that place. An early start was made again on the 21st; a task-march was assigned the command -- a given distance, or point, to be made in a given time; passed through Cleveland, county-seat of Bradley County.

At a point nearly a mile south of Cleveland the command encamped, and, it being ascertained that a delay of a week or two would probably be occasioned by preparations for the oncoming campaign, quarters were put up in rather better and more regular order than would have been done for only one or two days' stop. Some camp and other duty was required to be performed here. Clothing was issued April 27th; and the pay-rolls having been completed, were signed the same day. Next day regimental inspection was had. By this date the weather had become quite warm -- April 29th -- it was, perhaps, seemingly so, when contrasted with recent cooler weather. Squads of refugees came in almost daily; they reported that the rebel cavalry were quite active, scouring the country, coming up near to, but rarely disturbing, our advanced pickets, unless first finding the advantage was in their favor.

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On May 1st, more clothing, hats, and shelter-tents were issued. The aversion to the use of "purp" tents, which exhibited itself the preceding year, had died out. In fact, the shelter-tent had grown in favor, and was regarded as a friend to soldiers, and conducive to health among them. May 2d, orders were received to be ready to move next day. The regiment and brigade were ready to march on time, May 3d, but did not get started before noon. Got off promptly at noon, however, made good time, and marched fifteen miles; then went into camp for the night. May 4th, the regiment was on the way frontward by daylight, with flankers out on the left. The weather was quite warm, and there was skirmishing in the advance; but, notwithstanding these hindrances, a distance of fifteen miles was made, and the command camped for the night near Catoosa Springs in Catoosa County, Georgia.

On the morning of the 5th the regiment moved one mile, passing the springs on the way. Before the war, these springs were quite a resort and watering-place for the people. According to labels, there was an assortment -- about three dozen kinds -- of water at these springs. A person could better distinguish one kind or variety of water from another by label, than by tasting the water. Regiment did not move May 6th, but got marching orders in the evening late, requiring it to move early on the 7th. The command was aroused early, in obedience to orders; the men were ready to march by three o'clock on the morning of the 7th, and moved out in the direction of Tunnel Hill. After going about one mile, regiment was formed in line of battle, and remained in position one hour. Some skirmishing was going on a short distance to our right, participated

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in by Wood's division. On leaving its position in line of battle, the regiment encamped for the night at the base of Rocky-faced Ridge.

Sunday, May 8th, there being little prospect of anything to hinder, divine services were arranged for, and a majority of the members of the 73d were in attendance; but right in the midst of the sermon the long roll was sounded, the meeting closed abruptly, the men hurried up, took arms, and fell in very promptly. Regiment moved up to the foot of the ridge, and formed in line of battle at eleven o'clock, with the 24th Wisconsin on its left, and the 44th Illinois in its rear. The regiments named encamped in this position for the night. Men detailed from the brigade pulled two Rodman guns to the summit of Rocky-faced Ridge, and got them into position.

The regiment and brigade struck tents early on May 9th, and moved to the top of the ridge. The ridge was very steep and rocky in places, and difficult to climb. We moved to a point within a short distance of the enemy, but were only supporting some of our troops immediately to our front. The 23d Corps moved to the left, toward Dalton, and the rear of that point. After noon the regiment went part of the way down the ridge, on east side, and went on picket. Returned from picket duty early on May 10th, and were sent immediately to the skirmish-line. Heavy rains fell on this date. There was also much firing to our right; Snake Creek Gap was taken; McPherson's men did the job. We remained on skirmish-line during the day -- May 11th -- but shifted to the right considerably in the meantime. There was heavy cannonading all along the front in the course of the day.

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On the 12th we moved one mile to the left, formed line of battle on the ridge, and remained in position, until the next morning. Near our position on the ridge was a point or elevation from which the generals and other officers could obtain better views through their field-glasses of movements of the enemy than from any other in the immediate neighborhood. Though a little exposed, this point was frequently visited for the purpose indicated. One Sampson McCool, of Company E, provoked a good deal of merriment by his clownish personation and imitation of officers, by forming an imaginary glass or glasses of his hands, making the tube, by bringing the ends of the fingers around to the palm. Sometimes he would in this way use one hand only, looking through with one eye, at other times he would use both hands, making two tubes, putting one up to one eye and the other up to the other eye; while at other times, if he wanted to see a long distance, or bring an object nearer, or obtain greater magnifying power, he would look through both hands or tubes with one eye. Not only his mimicry of movement and carriage of the officers, but his reports of what he saw, produced general laughter. Not all of McCool's motions and difficult postures were made in imitation of the officers; some of them were to signify his great surprise and consternation at what he pretended to see.

Another source of entertainment at this same time and place was the misfortune or mishap which befell one of the cooks who was carrying two camp-kettles full of water up the side of the ridge. He used a yoke fitting over the shoulders and around the neck, from the points or extremities of which the kettles of water

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were suspended. The connection or fastening between the yoke and one kettle snapped asunder, and of course both kettles of water were spilled, and the labor in getting them almost to the top of the ridge was lost. The kettles went bounding down the ridge striking against trees and rocks, and by the time they reached a stopping-place were very much dented and misshapened. This particular cook was not slow of speech, as his rapid and sarcastic utterances recounting and bewailing his luck, and the hardships of his position while following up his two camp-kettles, fully proved. "The next time I go to war," said he, "I'll go as a tar-bucket, then I'll get to ride hanging to the coupling-pole."

David M. Haworth, of the 3d East Tennessee Infantry, who had tarried with the regiment a week or more in September, 1862, again visited it a few minutes while on Rocky-faced Ridge.

During the night of May 12th, the enemy evacuated his works and Dalton. Next morning we moved out, the 2d Missouri in the lead. We arrived at Dalton about noon, halted, stacked arms, and proceeded at once to ransack the town. There was a quantity of quartermaster or commissary stores left at Dalton by the retreating rebels. Among other articles left were quantities of tobacco, home-made hatchets, peanuts, and cigars. Very little or nothing in the line strictly of war material did we find there, however. At one o'clock P. M. we left Dalton and marched on in further pursuit of the enemy. Quite a number of deserters from the enemy were caught and collected together. We kept on the way until sundown, then got supper. After supper we started on again, and

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marched until eleven o'clock P. M., having marched twenty miles since morning. Before halting, as well as after, we were cautioned to be very quiet, make as little noise as possible.

On Saturday, May 14th, we were on the march by six A. M. On going three miles we formed in line of battle. At this point the 23d Corps came in on another road, passed, and went on to our right, after which we moved through a strip of woods in line of battle, came out into an open field, changed front and remained in that position a short time, then moved by the left flank, one half mile across a little creek, and at the brow of a hill we built breastworks. Later we were moved forward, by General Howard in person, another half mile. The rebels gave us a hard shelling at four P. M. At this point the regiment went into action, and, on firing away about forty rounds, it was relieved, fell back a short distance, and rested quietly until twelve o'clock midnight. Went to the front again at midnight and occupied about the same position we had held in the afternoon. Members of each company were detailed to do picket duty, and some of these pickets stood within thirty feet of the rebel pickets that night. On Sunday morning we were enveloped in a heavy fog, but as soon as any object could be seen to be distinguished, firing began. Some of the 73d were wounded. At seven o'clock A. M. the rebels charged; the 44th Illinois was compelled to give way to our left, and the 73d had to stand the charge for a very few minutes, when the 44th rallied and retook its position. We were relieved at ten o'clock A. M., and we then went to the rear and drew rations; then moved up again for support to troops in front, and remained in this position

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until near night. During the whole of this time there was heavy fighting -- firing at least -- on the front line. At seven P. M. we were moved, and placed in position to support a battery, commanded by "Leather-breeches." The casualties in the 73d, up to and including the battles of Resaca, were six killed and twenty-three wounded.

At daylight on the 16th we found the rebels had "pulled up stakes," and evacuated. At seven A. M. we moved out, and were put to our best speed to come up with the enemy, if possible. We ascertained that "Leather-breeches" had dismounted two rebel guns in the action of the 15th; as we advanced, we found portions of the carriages. On moving about three miles, we came up with the 20th Corps, which had moved down the railroad, formed in line, and stacked arms. We rested while Generals Sherman and Hooker were talking and maturing plans. We then moved up to the town of Resaca, from which the battles of the 14th and 15th took name. A good part of the army had concentrated about this town. The enemy had burned the railroad bridge, and the foot-bridge was still burning when we came up. We captured a quantity of cornmeal buns at Resaca. Our corps advanced across the stream, with our division in front. On getting across, we formed line of battle, and remained in position long enough to give time for dinner. We then moved forward a short distance, halted, and rested until three P. M. We then moved forward again, the 3d Brigade of our division taking the lead; skirmishing going on at the extreme front all the time. We marched fully six miles, and camped for the night near Calhoun, a station on the railroad.

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Were early on the way May 17th, our brigade having the advance, with the 36th Illinois on the skirmish-line. There was heavy skirmishing nearly the whole day, and at three o'clock P. M. we came on to the enemy in full force near Adairsville. A body of rebels took position in an old stone house, and they also had a battery planted on a piece of high ground in the road, just west of the stone house. Our commander had a section of a battery -- two Rodman guns -- brought up and put in position. Two companies -- B and G -- of the 73d were detailed to support this section of artillery, with the balance of the regiment in reserve. The enemy silenced our section, but we were re-enforced by one section after another, until we had all the artillery of our division (thirty-six pieces) in position; then we silenced the rebel battery. This artillery dueling and firing was the sharpest and closest we had ever known; the rebels did the best and most accurate shooting we had ever seen them do. At about five P. M. we were ordered to the left of the road, a quarter of a mile distant; we went on the double-quick to protect our flank. The object of this move being accomplished, we faced southward, and Companies B, G, and K were sent out as skirmishers, the remainder of the regiment

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supporting the skirmish-line. Heavy skirmishing continued until dark; after night-fall we were relieved by the 88th Illinois, then withdrew, fell back, and took in a supply of ammunition; then we went to the front again and took position, the right of regiment resting on the main road, and the left extended out to the cotton-gin. Heavy firing was kept up by the regiment until eleven o'clock P. M., the flashes of light from the muzzles of the guns serving as a mark for each party to aim at. Our regiment lost forty-five men, killed and wounded, and the brigade two hundred, in the engagement at Adairsville. At midnight we were again relieved; then we fell back a short distance, and lay on our arms until morning. There was no firing after midnight. It was reported at the time that the property, on which the stone house and cotton-gin were located, was owned by the rebel General Hardee. Captain Kyger, of Company C, who left the regiment while it was at Lenoir's, in East Tennessee, returned to it on this date.

May 18th, the weather was quite warm. The soldiers of the 73d were up early. During the night the rebels fell back, and by seven A. M. we had started in pursuit. Time was taken, however, to burn the octagon, gravel-wall house on the Graves farm; also all the outbuildings. This was done by way of retaliation for the protection these buildings had afforded the enemy, in the fight of the day before. We halted at Adairsville at ten A. M., remaining there until three P. M. Wood's division joined ours at and near Adairsville. While waiting at this point, dinner was disposed of, and some discussion was had as to what we should do next, it being evident we should do something soon, or at least

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undertake something. At three P. M. we started and moved forward seven miles and camped alongside the railroad for the night. Up early again May 19th; weather very warm. Marched at seven, and kept marching all day. We passed through Kingston, a, small town in Cass County, at eleven A. M., and stopped until two P. M., at which time skirmishing commenced in front. We then moved up four miles, but did not get into the fight. The enemy, no doubt, heard we were coming, and fell back, being driven from our front, and but small loss resulted to our side. Enemy had a pretty strong line of works across a field. Camped four miles south-east of Kingston.

On Friday, May 20th, we moved one-half mile, and went into camp; the move being made to get a better position out of the way of the train. Some clothing and shoes were drawn by each company of the regiment. Weather quite warm, and continued so during May 21st. Had no orders. Trains all up. No news of special importance. Some conjecture and speculation indulged in on the part of the men, and perhaps a few grape-vine dispatches started.

All quiet on Sunday, May 22d. Pursuant to orders, there was some overhauling of the company books and rolls. A number of names of comrades were dropped from the several rolls, and they were accounted for as killed, missing, or discharged. This done, it appeared there were many vacancies, which opened the way for promotions to both commissioned and non-commissioned offices. We have no data under this head for any of the companies except C, and but little for that company; this little shows that Orderly D. A. Smith and Enoch Smith -- private -- were dropped from the rolls, and

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accounted for as having been killed at Chickamauga, Georgia. R. J. Hasty was promoted sergeant, and W. H. Newlin orderly sergeant, and a commission as first lieutenant was sent for, for the latter. Said commission, when issued, conferred rank from October 24, 1863, and under a lately enacted and amended law we have been re-mustered, to date April 30, 1864.

At this same time and place, Jonathan Ellis was promoted corporal, but was on picket, and was not informed of his appointment, officially or otherwise, until he was espied returning from duty, when Alfred E. Lewis -- "Jack o' Clubs" -- in stentorian tones, said, "Jont Ellis, Jont Ellis, you have been appointed corporal, and your commission has gone on to Washington for approval." In each company of the regiment there were names of comrades dropped from the rolls, and likewise some promotions.

The opportunity afforded by this delay of three or four days, to wash clothing and clean up, and set things to rights generally, was duly improved by the members of the regiment. Supplies of new clothing were drawn and considerable repairing of old clothing was done. We had orders to march at six on the morning of May 23d, but we did not get under way until ten A. M. General Nathan Kimball took command of our brigade on this date, Colonel Sherman, of the 88th Illinois, having been in command of the same the greater part of the time since the reorganization of the army after Chickamauga. General O. O. Howard succeeded General Granger as commander of the 4th Corps before the opening of the Atlanta campaign, and General John Newton had succeeded Sheridan in command of our division. We passed to the right of Cassville

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crossed the Etowah River on a covered bridge of considerable dimensions, which, from some cause, the rebels failed to destroy in their retreat. Probably they had enough else to attend to about that time.

On Tuesday, May 24th, we got on the way by seven A. M., passing through a nice-looking country, and at twelve M. struck a range of hills called the Altoona Mountains; we had a hard day's march of it, and went into camp late at night. In the course of the day we had been sent to re-enforce train-guard near Dallas; did not encounter the enemy. The train came back three miles same evening. At nine P. M., when we halted, it was raining and very dark. May 25th, we marched at nine A. M., and kept moving until noon, then halted to make coffee; and just as it was ready, we were ordered out on the double-quick march, to defend the wagon-train. Did not see any special need of our services; we got into no trouble at all. We marched on with train until dark, and camped near it and the mules. The train was stuck fast in the mud, and blocked the road. Davis's division had passed us in the forenoon. The soldiers in Companies C and E thus had a brief opportunity to see some of their old neighbors who were serving in the 125th Illinois. Somehow the train was extricated from the mud by the morning of May 26th, and we started on with it at nine A. M., but moved only a mile when train was corralled. At three P. M. we went into camp for the night. There was much fighting in front on this date, also heavy skirmishing on the preceding day. Heavy cannonading was going on during the greater part of the day, May 27th. The 73d was still with the train.

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May 28th, had orders to move; but when regiment was ready to start, the orders were countermanded. We received orders at noon on the 29th to rejoin the brigade; started immediately; found the weather very warm for straightforward marching to the front. We reached the north bank of Pumpkinvine Creek, where the brigade was in position, at four P. M. During the afternoon the brigade had some heavy skirmishing, and at dark built works. We relieved the 15th Missouri on front line, and found our breastworks were within one hundred yards of those of the rebels. We were ordered to watch and keep in readiness to receive a charge, which was expected to be made at about midnight. The enemy charged, as was expected, along our whole line, but was repulsed in our front. Each company sent out a "vidette," to take post a few yards in front as soon as the precautionary orders were received, and some of these came very near being captured. After this charge, there was more or less firing during the remainder of the night. When both lines, the enemy's and our own, would open fire, the line of light showed plainly the locality of and the angles in the works. Distributed along our brigade front were twelve or fifteen pieces of artillery; these being double-shotted, besides making a great noise and racket, pending the repulsing of the charge, also peeled, splintered, or cut off many of the trees, saplings, and undergrowth in their front. On this date the effective force of the regiment was twelve commissioned officers, twenty-three sergeants, twenty-one corporals, and one hundred and twenty-seven privates; one hundred and eighty-three all told. There were no casualties in the

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73d resulting from this night assault near New Hope Church.

On Monday, May 30th, we kept up heavy firing all day from under our head-logs on the works. No casualties reported in the regiment. The fighting on our right was very heavy. At dark we were relieved and then retired immediately to the second line of works and lay down to take much-needed rest. The 44th Illinois relieved us. We remained behind the second line of works during May 31st until nightfall; then the left wing of the 73d was taken to relieve the 15th Missouri at the skirmish-pits. The right wing of the regiment remained in reserve until four A. M. of June 1st, being then sent to relieve the left wing. A steady skirmish fire kept up the entire day. Our works were being constantly strengthened. We occupied front line during the entire day, June 1st; were relieved at night, and went back to third line of works, and succeeded in getting the best night's rest we had been able to get for some time. Our position during the day had been within one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy, behind very light earth-works. Companies C, I, and D kept low, and did not get a man hurt. In same position the 15th Missouri had a man killed on the preceding day. An irregular understanding or agreement was patched up between the "Johnnies" and ourselves not to shoot much "at each other."

Had a heavy rain early June 2d, filling the trenches and making them a very undesirable place to crouch down in; just as comfortable to take our chances with flying bullets a little back of earth-works. It rained over on the "Johnnies" side, too; so chances and comforts were about even as between the contending

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forces. We were relieved by the 74th Illinois; went to the rear and lay down to rest our tired limbs. On June 3d there were no changes in front, and no occurrences out of the usual order or kind.

It was at about this time and place that a "Johnnie Reb" called out, asking our boys, "How much is gold worth now in New York City?" Very soon an answer was made by one of Company I (Turner, we believe), "Greenbacks, something you haven't got down South." He might have added that the Confederate shin-plasters would never be redeemed with lead. Inquiry was also made about this same time by the rebels if the 73d Illinois would like to have its brass band. Several pieces belonging to our band, and some of the musicians probably, had been captured at Chickamauga. Of course, generally speaking, we were endeavoring to recover all of our captured, lost, or stolen property; if these musical instruments, and the musicians too, could have been turned over to us, we should have been much pleased.

We were called out at three A. M., June 4th, and after taking sufficient time to prepare coffee and dispatch breakfast, we moved out to the front line, and remained there during the day. The rebels in our front did not do as much firing as was usual for them to do. What shooting they did, was done, with deliberation and evident purpose to hurt somebody. Colonel Jaquess received orders to report to department head-quarters. We distinctly remember the colonel had to crouch and slip along, and take some risks at best, in getting back to the rear. The colonel was granted leave of absence for thirty days to report to A. Lincoln, at Washington. This was preliminary to the Richmond

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visit. We were relieved at eight P. M., and went to the rear; all of our -- Kimball's -- brigade were relieved and went into camp. Before the dawn of day, June 5th, the enemy abandoned his works and left our front. We were ordered to follow in the direction of Ackworth. We took in a few prisoners from the enemy's rear guard -- some of them deserters, probably. We moved but a short distance. Colonel Jaquess took his departure for Washington City. The abandoned rebel works were inspected by some of the regimental officers. They were indifferent as to how strong and impregnable these works were found to be, since the rebels were gone, and we did not have to assault them.

Monday, June 6th, was an exceedingly warm day. We were ordered to Ackworth; marched eight miles to the rear of train, our brigade having been detailed as train-guard on the previous day, beginning that duty by throwing up works to resist a dash by cavalry, which was a thing to be looked for, and provided against, after the bulk of our army got away from the line of New Hope Church. We stopped on the 6th in the immediate neighborhood of the division field-hospital. We drew rations on the 7th, and remained quietly in camp that night, and all day on June 8th. On June 9th orders were issued requiring the command to wash clothes, and to clean up generally, and be ready to march at six A. M., June 10th, on which date it was expected the hospital would move up nearer the front.

At daylight on the 10th the bugles sounded "fall in," and soon we were moving forward. Marched five miles, and found the rebels in a strong position, and manifesting a determination to hold it. We went into camp. It rained all night. We were located near Pine Bluff,

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we learned early on the morning of the 11th. We moved out early on the 11th, and took position on the left of Stanley's division, in sight of Kenesaw Mountain, our brigade being posted in reserve. June 12th, we moved nearer the front, there having been heavy skirmishing on the previous day, which resulted in pressing the enemy back some distance. The rebels were in plain view on Pine Bluff from our new position, and we were in plain view to them; in consequence of which fact we were changed back to our last former position, to avoid being shelled. On this date there was quite a rain-fall. Still raining on the morning of the 13th, with some indications, however, of slackening and clearing off. Things were flooded, and the weather becoming much cooler, made matters somewhat uncomfortable; but we were getting used to that state of affairs, and if anything was said about pensions, we do not just now remember it. There was occasional cannonading on our left. June 14th, the sky clear and atmosphere cool early in the morning. Artillery shots exchanged at intervals during the forenoon. We received orders to move to the support of the 2d and 3d Brigades. This we did, taking nothing but guns and full cartridge-boxes. On arriving at the point where it was supposed something very serious would occur, skirmishers were thrown out, and we began to push forward; moved perhaps one-half mile, then halted, and details were sent back to bring up our baggage. During the afternoon, much cannonading was indulged in; our guns being trained on Pine Bluff -- Pine Mountain. A shell struck the rebel General (Bishop) Polk, killing him instantly. Generals Johnston and Hardee, according to one authority, had very close calls at the same

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time. We put up tents, and remained over night near Pine Mountain. We will copy Comrade Cassaday's entry for June 15,1864, and then give Captain Kyger's entry for same date, just to show how perfectly the two memoranda agree:

"The rebels fell back a short distance, and we made preparations to follow. The 2d Brigade took the lead; threw out two regiments as skirmishers, and commenced to advance. Our brigade supported the 2d. We formed in mass, and moved forward; supposing we were going to charge, we piled our knapsacks and fixed bayonets; moved forward; found the rebels in good works. Then we halted, built works, and drew rations and lay on our arms all night." (Cassaday.)

"The rebels evacuated Pine Bluff. We took a few prisoners. Advanced at two P. M., about one and a half miles. Our brigade expected to support the 2d Brigade in making a charge, regimental front, close column, by divisions; found works too strong. Drove their pickets, and fortified a line near them during the night." (Kyger.)

At this point we were four miles from Kenesaw Mountain. On the 16th we remained in the works, comparatively idle all day. There was skirmish-firing all the time, however, and one of Company B was struck by a ball, but not seriously wounded. One of Company I was shot through the lungs, and death resulted. In this position we remained until morning, digging trenches and strengthening our works. The enemy evacuated his works, and at daylight of the 17th our men took possession of them. Rain fell nearly all day long on the 16th, and though this was some hindrance to the operations, skirmishing was persisted in, and the corps drove the enemy.

On the 17th the abandoned works were found to be quite formidable as against an assault in front. The enemy fell back only a short distance; merely

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tracking his line, or withdrawing his left flank, which Hooker had turned. His position was a strong one for defensive purposes, being made so in part by a creek affording it some protection. Our lines were formed and adjusted to meet these changes; artillery was placed in position, and began firing by volley. The rebels made no responses. The 14th Corps on our left charged, and took the enemy's works. We lay on our arms during the night, resting fairly well, all things considered.

It was raining hard on the morning of June 18th. At eight A. M. our skirmishers advanced, driving the enemy's back. We followed in support of the skirmishers. It continued raining during the greater part of the day. Our skirmish-line charged and captured a number of rebels. We advanced, waded a creek waist-deep; formed in line in an open field; stopped in line a short time, then advanced again. There was heavy skirmishing and a great many rebels, and "Yankees" too, were wounded, the latter passing to our rear. After ten A. M. we were again pushed forward a short distance; waded another creek; the rain fell in torrents, so it was all of a "whatness" anyhow -- just as dry in the creek as anywhere. The fighting on the skirmish-lines, as far as noise went, assumed almost the proportions of a general engagement. We were ordered to lie down, as the rebel fire was severe. As usual, we obeyed orders. This was in the afternoon, and Goodrich, of Company G, was shot dead at this point. We were ordered to build breastworks, and began the work immediately, as we were interested in having them, the rebel fire being particularly heavy. One of Company E -- Peter Conrad -- was killed behind these works just about

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the time they were completed. Drew rations, including whisky, after holding our position all day under a heavy fire. Our division during the day tired twenty-five thousand rounds of ammunition, mostly from the skirmish-line, sixteen thousand rounds of which were aimed to go under the head-log on the rebel works, to keep the "Johnnies" low while we built works. Firing was kept up nearly all night. We remained in our works until morning. In addition to the casualties mentioned, as occurring on the 18th, was at least one other, the wounding of John Braselton, of Company C.

Captain Kyger being unable for duty, or to keep along with the company, got into an ambulance, June 16th, and was finally obliged to go to the division field-hospital, where he remained until after the assault at Kenesaw Mountain. His diary, therefore, for a few dates, is not as full as it might have been, had he been present with regiment; and the entries made for these dates note chiefly the events occurring in our immediate rear. In the memoranda at hand there is no mention of Lost Mountain. That being in the vicinity of Pine Mountain, we disposed of, or got away from, Lost Mountain through pretty nearly the same maneuvers that enabled us to leave Pine Mountain behind. We had no intention of taking it with us, anyhow.

We waked up on the 19th of June, and found the rebels had departed. Our skirmishers immediately advanced, followed by the main line, or body of troops; the latter occupied the abandoned works. We stopped only a brief spell, then advanced again a short distance, the 36th and 88th Illinois on the skirmish-line. We halted in an old field; while there it rained very hard, for a change, raising the waters of a creek which we

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had to cross. Our skirmishers became heavily engaged; but our artillery soon got into position, and opened on the enemy with shot and shell, and he had to continue falling back. A halt was made to allow time for dinner. Moved forward again, and at four P. M. formed our lines in front of Kenesaw Mountain. The 3d Brigade joined on to our right, and the 14th Corps connected on the left of our brigade. The 44th and 73d were in the first line of battle. The troops were to some extent massed at this point, our brigade having only a short front line to maintain. We were within shelling distance of the enemy's batteries at Kenesaw Mountain. On this, date the division field-hospital was moved one and a half miles nearer the front. Late in the day we drew rations of meat and whisky, and lay down to rest. We got up early, June 20th, and finished our works. Heavy picket or skirmish firing going on all the time. At ten A. M. another line of works was ordered to be built; the 2d and 3d Brigades built the new line, completing it by four P. M. All the artillery in our corps was placed in position -- some thirty pieces -- and brought to bear on Kenesaw Mountain. But few rounds were fired by our guns, before the rebels replied by firing a few shots, which did some damage. At six P. M. we were relieved by the 14th Corps, our corps moving quite one mile to the right, through very deep mud, and camped for the night.

As soon as coffee was partaken of, on June 21st -- which was early enough -- our movement to the right was resumed; but a halt was called after we had gone one-half mile. We formed line in an open field, stacked arms, and waited awhile. Next we moved forward, and relieved a division of the 20th Corps. Were permitted

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to rest quietly here a short time; then our division moved forward, and drove the rebel skirmishers in, and established our lines within three hundred yards of the enemy's main line of works. The 3d Brigade was on our right. Wood's division on our left, and the 44th Illinois on the skirmish-line, covering our brigade front. Neither of the memoranda at hand say whether we were relieved at this point or not; but we probably were.

We had orders, at four o'clock on the morning of June 22d, to put on our cartridge-boxes and be ready; we lay in readiness until noon, and were then ordered to march farther to the right, which we did, and relieved one brigade of Hooker's corps, which moved on still farther to the right. In the meantime, the rebels attacked and engaged Hooker in force, we being called to support one of his batteries. In these operations Hooker's loss was heavy; ours light. We moved back to our last former position, and built works up to midnight, at which time we went to rest, not being disturbed again until morning.

The morning of June 23d found us in the works we had built during the night, where we remained until ten A. M., at which time we were relieved by the 21st Illinois, of Stanley's division. We then went a short distance to the rear and rested until four P. M., being then ordered to the front. The artillery of the 4th Corps opened, that being the signal for our skirmishers to advance. We moved forward in support. Our skirmish-lines were advanced two hundred yards, after a right sharp fight. At twelve o'clock midnight we relieved the 74th Illinois.

The 73d was relieved from the front line at eight A. M. on June 24th, and retired to a line of works in

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a valley, where we remained during the day. While at this point, Young Bennett, of Company A, was killed while writing a letter to his father. At night we went to the skirmish-line again. Through mistake and haste, one of our men was shot in the back by another, but the wound did not prove fatal at the time. We remained at this point during the night, and until four P. M. of the 25th of June; the firing continued during the day, and at times was pretty sharp both ways, Joel Isenburg, of Company B, receiving a wound, which proved to be a mortal one, as he died June 27th. The 88th Illinois relieved us at nine P. M. We went back to the second line of works, and lay on our arms during the balance of the night.

Early on June 26th we drew rations of soap -- none too soon -- and much clothes-washing and other needful washing was done before night. Comparative quiet prevailed on the whole front during the day. Late in the afternoon we got orders to be ready to march by three A. M. of the 27th.

It has already been shown that Captain Kyger was compelled to take an ambulance on the 16th, in consequence of severe illness. Growing no better, he was placed in the division field-hospital on June 20th. By June 25th he had improved to such an extent as to be able to resume taking notes, and making entries in his diary. For June 25th, he records the fact that quite a number of wounded from our brigade arrived at the hospital. For the 26th he notes the fact that orders had been received at the hospital to fit up, and make room to receive wounded, and in this connection states that the charge was to be made at eight A. M. of June 27th. The wounded already at the hospital

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were mostly sent back to Big Shanty, and other points in the rear. For the next date -- June 27th -- we copy the entries of Cassaday and Kyger, the entry by the former being from the stand-point of a participant in the charge, and the entry of the latter from the stand-point of one who was deeply interested in the outcome of the charge, but was not in it:

"Ready early. Troops commenced massing early in the morning in our rear, with nothing but cartridge-boxes and guns with them. Wood's division formed in our rear. We soon moved out to the front; the 2d and 3d Brigades of our division formed to the right of us, Davis's division of the 14th Corps to the right of them. We all formed in mass, regiments by divisions ; each regiment formed in five lines; this occurred at nine A.M. When the signal was given, Forward, the 44th and 74th Illinois in front of our brigade, the charge was made on quick time, or run, and with a yell that could not be equaled; the lead came so thick that no troops could live before it. Our troops -- some of them -- gained the works, but not in sufficient numbers to hold them, and were finally forced to fall back with heavy loss; our losses amounted to about three thousand men. After the charge we retired to our works. Company B was left on the skirmish-line. The loss of the regiment in this engagement was eight. Company B was called in at one P. M., and joined the regiment in the works which we had occupied in the morning. During [before?] this charge, the regiment was ordered to unsling and pile our knapsacks; the balance of the day was quiet." (Cassaday.)

"Division Hospital, Monday, June, 27, 1864. -- Warm and clear. Charge was made with brigade front in our division, and same in Davis's division, the other two divisions to support us. 2d Brigade, 1st Division, 4th Corps, was to lead the charge; the 2d Brigade went but a short distance until 1st Brigade was ordered front, 44th and 74th Illinois in front. Went close up to rebel works, but had to fall back, with a loss in brigade of about two hundred; division, 652; Davis's division, 785; 125th Illinois, 111 men, in killed, wounded, and missing. General Harker, commanding 3d Brigade; Lieutenant-Colonel Chandler, 88th Illinois; Colonel Harmon, 125th Illinois, and several captains and lieutenants were killed. Lieutenant-Colonel Kerr, of 74th Illinois, wounded, and

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in bands of enemy; Henderson Goodwin, my company, wounded....Loss in regiment, 10 -- 3 killed, 7 wounded. Our line this evening is at the same place it was this morning. Davis held nearly all the ground gained. The entire loss, by Sherman's report, is between two and three thousand: Badly managed by our generals." (Kyger.)

June 28th, the weather was quite warm, and all was quiet along the lines. The enemy refused, at first, a cessation of hostilities, or a truce rather, for the purpose of permitting burial of our dead, who still lay where they fell. An armistice was agreed to finally, and the work of burying the dead -- which had begun to be a stench, especially in the nostrils of the enemy -- was commenced and continued until after nightfall, and completed on June 29th. The rebels lent a helping hand in the work on the 29th, some of them no doubt wishing they could bury all the "Yankees," and have the thing done with. The rebels were in a good humor, and groups of soldiers -- half and half, Yankee and Confederate -- were between the lines, talking and trading and exchanging papers; coffee for tobacco, and tobacco for coffee, being about the extent of the trading done. The day -- June 29th -- passed quietly in our front, but on our right there was considerable cannonading. The 73d went on picket at night.

Quiet prevailed on Thursday morning, June 30th, and continued during the day. The weather was very warm; our men would sit up on the top of our rifle-pits, and the rebels did the same on theirs, the two lines in our front not being over seventy-five yards apart. Our men and the rebels agreed to abstain from firing during the day, unless one side or the other undertook to advance. After this understanding, it was perfectly safe to go anywhere about our lines, either in

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front or rear of our works. Rain fell in the afternoon notwithstanding which the pioneers built a line of works on our left, which were occupied by the 15th Missouri and 24th Wisconsin regiments. Captain Kyger had by this date returned to the company. In his diary, under date of June 30th, he reports having made a visit early in the day to the 125th Illinois, finding that regiment within fifty yards of the enemy's works -- rebels and Yanks throwing stones at each other. This writer visited same regiment June 29th, and was on that part of line when the armistice terminated, which termination was marked by the throwing by the rebels of picks, shovels, and spades from their line over to our line, these implements belonging to the "Yankee" Government. A few shots were exchanged at same time, in order to more pointedly signify that hostilities were, or might be, resumed.

Weather very warm on July 1. The work of building breastworks was ordered to be stopped. Some work was done on regimental rolls on this date. There was much interchange of civilities between our boys and the "Johnnies," some trading, but mostly conversation and apparently friendly discussions being indulged in. At same time considerable cannonading was going on, both to our right and left, but some distance away.

At six A. M., July 2d, the artillery opened fire all along our lines, and continued firing for a half-hour, but no response was made by the enemy. At seven o'clock there was considerable infantry firing, which lasted ten minutes. This was part of a demonstration, which was ordered to be made for some purpose. The 20th and 23d Corps moved to the right during the afternoon, which movement necessitated a corresponding movement

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by our corps. We moved after night, quietly, in pursuance of instructions; moved one mile to the left, however, in this case to relieve Wood's division, Stanley's division relieving ours. We got into position at eleven P. M., and remained until daylight, at which time -- daylight of July 3d -- our pickets advanced, and found that the enemy had evacuated his works. We found the works in our front very strong, pronounced by some to be "bomb-proof." A number of Confederates were overtaken by our skirmishers, and captured.

We started in pursuit of the enemy in good spirits at seven A. M. Our progress, however, was slow, owing to the number of troops endeavoring to pass on the same road. We passed through Marietta about noon. This town is located near the base of Kenesaw Mountain, south-east of the mountain, and presented an appearance of having been quite a thriving town of perhaps three or four thousand inhabitants, in its palmy days. It was almost entirely deserted at the time of the approach to it of our forces. It was found that General Johnston had executed one of his masterly retreats, getting off with all his baggage and provisions and war material. It was thought he might attempt to make another stand north of the Chattahoochie River. We went on south five miles from Marietta, and bivouacked for the night. Late in the day there was considerable skirmishing, and a number of deserters were overhauled and brought in.

The weather was very warm July 4th. Our artillery fired no salute in honor of Independence-day specially; one piece fired a few shots at the enemy at long range. At two P. M. the 74th and 79th Illinois regiments charged, and drove the enemy's skirmishers back one

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half mile, suffering only a slight loss; one captain in the 79th being wounded. A stray ball came whizzing back and wounded M. Moody, of Company K, 73d; flesh wound, thigh. A number of prisoners were "taken in," as a result of the charge.

Had orders at six o'clock, the morning of July 5th, to be ready to march immediately. The rebels were again on the "go." We started out at 7.30 A. M., Wagner's brigade in the front of division. A few "Johnnies" were captured and passed to the rear. We moved forward rapidly until getting near the Chattahoochie River, when the rebels made a stand to cover their crossing. Wood's division charged them and captured one-half of their pontoon bridge, holding the ground gained until our division came up to support, rendering his position secure. There was heavy fighting on our right, in which the enemy was defeated. The general direction of our movement during the day, was to the south-east, through heavy forests. We passed over two lines of works which the enemy occupied on July 4th. We struck the railroad at a point fourteen miles from Atlanta, and one hundred and twenty-four from Chattanooga. A quantity of iron rails had been taken up by the rebels and pitched down a hill, just as if the "Yankees" could not very soon place them on the track again. One achievement of the 73d on this date was the capture of three rebels -- one well and two sick -- at a house where a squad of two or three of our boys found them. Our camp for the night was within one-half mile of the railroad bridge, and to the left of it. The rebels were reported to be all across the river; they had not burned the railroad bridge, nor taken up their pontoon bridge just below. We had orders to put

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up tents, there being a prospect that we should tarry two or three days. Our picket-line was on the north or west side of river, and that of the enemy on opposite side. It was thought our line covered, or commanded, pontoon and railroad bridges. Quite a number of prisoners fell into our hands in the course of the day.

At daylight of July 6th, all was quiet, but at six o'clock our cannon opened on the rebels across the Chattahoochie. Some picket firing was also indulged in ; weather very warm by noon; a mail was received. After dinner, Major Motherspaw and Captain Kyger left camp, and went to the top of a high knob west of railroad to get a view of the country and of Atlanta. At about 6.30 P. M., they got a view of the city which it was our ambition to possess, eight and one-half miles distant in a south-east course, and twelve miles by rail. The houses could be plainly seen and the brick houses distinguished from the frame ones. The surrounding country presented an apparently level, timbered surface, but few farms visible. To the eastward, some twenty miles off, Stone Mountain peered up to a height of twelve or fifteen hundred feet; it stood separate and alone, looking grandly in the distance. Before seven P. M. the construction train came along down the railroad. But little more than three miles of track had been torn up by the enemy below Marietta. It was ascertained that the report that the rebels were all south of the Chattahoochie was premature. All quiet at dusk, except an occasional boom of cannon away to our right. Provisions and ammunition arrived near the front before morning by rail.

At eight A. M., on the 7th, we moved our camp one mile north to the near vicinity of Rottenwood Creek.

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Orders were given to clean up a camping ground on the side of a ridge one-quarter of a mile from the creek, a mill being situated a little farther off on the creek. Tents were put up in order, and the camp conveniently arranged. Kyger says of his quarters:

"Lieutenant Newlin and myself have our quarters nicely fitted up; good bunk, and a leafy shade made over our shelter tent."

Heavy cannonading began, and continued for the space of forty minutes; the woods on opposite side of river and some distance below, were being shelled, as was learned later on. Colonel Sherman, of the 88th Illinois, still missing on this date. Drew rations; weather pleasant early on July 8th, Friday; all quiet; no orders received, nor any news from the right of army until evening, when word came that the 23d Corps had moved from the extreme right to our left, and in its new position was about four miles distant from our position. Our whole division (2d Division, 4th Army Corps) was encamped near Vining's Station on this date, our camp being above the station.

For July 9th and subsequent dates, until the reconnoissance to Roswell, and the return to the camp near Vining's Station is described, we shall copy the entries in Cassaday's and Kyger's memoranda:

"July 9, 1864. -- Ordered to march at five A. M., and to leave tents standing; take nothing but blankets and haversacks. Had a hard march, several men sun-struck. Struck Roswell, Georgia, about four P. M. Camped and got supper; after which we waded the Chattahoochie River. At this point it is one-fourth of a mile wide, and two to three feet deep, the water running over a nearly flat bed of rocks, which made it very difficult to wade, on account of slipping on rocks, besides the force of the current. After crossing we relieved the cavalry from picket for the night." (Cassaday.)

"Vining's Station, Georgia, Saturday, July 9, 1864. -- Clear and pleasant. Five A. M., received orders to march in half an hour;

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2d Division all going; marched at 7.30, going in a nearly due north-east course. Twelve M., extremely warm; several sun-struck; two deaths in division from it. Afternoon, we took it more moderate. At 4.45 P. M. came in sight of the Chattahoochie River. Fully two-thirds of division had to straggle; I never have been so hot. Five P. M., we halted near Roswell; got our suppers; then we marched through town and down to the river, wading in three different places; 1st Brigade farthest up; then one-eighth mile below the 2d Brigade, and about same distance below it, the 3d Brigade crossed. We took off our pants and socks, putting on our shoes again, and at 7.15 P. M. Company C took water; the deepest places were about three feet deep; width of stream about one-fourth of a mile; rapid, rough and rocky bottom. We halted in line of battle on south bank, about one mile from river, at 8.45 P. M. orders to lie down and pass the night near our guns. This we are glad to do, as we have traveled sixteen miles, and are very tired. Roswell is a small manufacturing village, twelve miles north-east of Marietta. Some nice frame and brick dwellings set back from the streets, in nice shady groves; they look decidedly inviting. Wilder's brigade of mounted infantry came in without resistance on the 7th. Burnt part of the factories. There were over eight hundred girls in town; want to go North; a squad of them were sent to Marietta to-day in the supply-train. Wilder's brigade dismounted and crossed the river at daylight this morning, not meeting but about sixteen rebs., who seemed to be [posted] for a lookout; they fled without resistance. Grape-vine says, 23d Corps has crossed below." (Kyger.)

"July 10,1864. -- Lay in camp until four P. M., when we were relieved by the 16th Corps; fell back a short distance, and camped for the night." (Cassaday.)

One and one-half miles south of Roswell, on South Sank of Chattahoochie River, Sunday, My 10, 1864. -- Rained a little during the night; very pleasant this morning ; all quiet at 6.30 A. M. Wilder is said to be five miles to front of us. Ten A. M., Lieutenant Wolgermuth and myself went blackberrying; have orders to throw up earth-works to resist an attack if made; I have charge of the working squad. Received orders at four P. M. that we would be relieved by the 16th Army Corps, and to be ready to march. Relief came at six P. M. 66th Illinois relieved 73d; 12th Illinois and 81st Ohio relieved 74th and 36th Illinois. We only went to the rear about three hundred yards, and bivouacked for the night.

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All quiet to the front; no reliable news from the right; rained quite a heavy shower in afternoon." (Kyger.)

"July 11,1864. -- Lay in camp till three P. M. weather foggy; recrossed the river and went into camp below Roswell." (Cassaday.)

"Bivouac South of Roswell, Georgia, Monday, July 11, 1864. -- Foggy; drizzled rain a little during the night. No orders to move at 7.30 A. M. 11.30 A. M. had orders to move at 12 M. Crossed the river on a foot-bridge; halted on a nice ridge one-half mile south of Roswell, at two P. M., with orders that we would not move farther to-night. Very hot; all quiet. R. J. Hasty and myself went to look at the town. Found the ruins of three factories on the banks of a nice rapid stream, Vicker Creek; the largest one was four-stories high; all the wood-work burned out and the machinery scattered over the ground as it would fall when the wood burned from under it. The most extensive fire was Baron and King. King left but a few days before the ‘Yankees’ burned his factories. He is an Englishman, and claimed protection under the English colors. The men he had left were arrested. The capacity of the different factories was great enough to employ twelve hundred hands. There are still about four hundred women that have not been sent North. Our movement, and that of the 23d Corps, to the rebel right, caused them to fall back across the river and burn the railroad bridge on the night of the 9th inst. The 14th Corps saved one rebel pontoon bridge." (Kyger.)

"July 12, 1864. -- Ordered to return to our old camp; arrived in camp at four P. M." (Cassaday.)

"Near Roswell, Georgia, Tuesday, July 12, 1864. -- Received orders to march at seven A. M. are to go to our camp, left on the 9th; marched at eight A. M. Cloudy and quite pleasant; marched slowly, and halted often for rest. Took the river road, arriving at our old camp near Vining Station at four P. M. The 1st and 3d Divisions of the 4th Army Corps have moved up the river about four miles. We will be likely to join them to-morrow. No further news, only a confirmation, that the rebels are all across the river. Drew some clothing." (Kyger.)

The weather was very warm on July 13th. Had orders to march early in the day, and moved out at ten A. M. First Brigade in rear of division. After marching

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two miles in a north-east course, we came to the Chattahoochie River, which we crossed by means of a pontoon bridge one hundred and seventy-five steps long. This was at eleven A. M. We passed the headquarters of the 1st and 3d Divisions south of the river. Halted one and one-half miles south-east of bridge, on a ridge, with orders to fortify, which we did by erecting a good line of works facing northward at right angles with the main works of corps. We were acting as flankers, or protecting flank of the army.

July 14th, the weather was fair; the regiment went on picket at ten A. M., and relieved the 44th Illinois. Did not get the lines fully established until about sundown. There were some cavalry pickets a short distance to our front. Our pickets connected on our left with those of the 23d Corps. Cannonading could be distinctly heard over on the extreme right of the army. The sky became cloudy, and at dark a heavy rain set in.

Rain had ceased by the morning of the 15th. Cannonading could be heard in the direction of and a little to the right of Atlanta. All was quiet in our front, and at eleven A. M. we were relieved from picket by the 88th Illinois. Returning to camp, we fitted up in a manner indicating a longer stop than was made at this point. No news except grape-vine dispatches. Rations, including some whisky, were drawn. While at this place we were in Fulton County, Georgia.

On July 16th it was understood the 17th Corps crossed the Chattahoochie at Roswell, and that the 15th Corps was marching to Roswell to cross. We had no news as to the enemy's movements on this date. On Sunday, July 17th, orders were issued requiring all

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the men to remain in camp and prepare for inspection. Were inspected by Captain Lacon at six P. M. The weather had become much cooler on this date. There were strong and growing indications of an early movement.

July 18th, we received orders to march at five A. M., but did not move until 6.30, taking the direct road to Atlanta. Found no signs of an infantry force of the enemy. The 3d Brigade of our division in front. The 125th Ohio and 3d Kentucky were on the skirmish-line. At 8.30 the rebels opened on us with one piece of artillery, and our battery then went to the front, began work, and the rebel piece ceased firing. At 11.30 it was discovered that the rebels had fallen back. Our loss was four men wounded. Colonel Opdycke's horse was shot.

Our brigade moved forward at twelve o'clock noon, and crossed Nance's Creek. On the south bank of this stream the enemy had a battery posted early in the day. It was ascertained that the forces engaged with ours on this date were Williams's cavalry. Skirmishing at the front continued. We pressed on, and at two P. M. reached a place designated "Buck Head," a cross-roads, six and one-half miles from Atlanta. One store-house and probably two or three other buildings, including dwelling-houses, were all the town contained. We met only slight resistance to our advance during the afternoon, the enemy yielding and falling back to within six miles of Atlanta.

Ordered, that we bivouac for the night. The pioneers were actively engaged "throwing up" works;

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we could hear the noise of their axes being plied vigorously, as late as 10.30 P. M. The 4th Corps only was moving on the "Back-head" road. Drizzled rain during the night.

Orders were issued requiring the 73d Illinois and 24th Wisconsin to move at five A. M., of July 19th, and make a reconnaissance up Peach-tree Creek. Got started by six A.M., and moved eastward one and one-half miles, bearing southward, on road, when Companies B, G, and K, of the 73d, were ordered out as skirmishers. When matters were properly adjusted, we pushed forward rapidly some two miles, through woods, striking the enemy in force, taking him by surprise. Some skirmishing took place, but none of the 73d were killed or wounded; but quite a loss was inflicted on the enemy, as he was thoroughly surprised. After this little scout and skirmish, we returned to our bivouac, and remained there until six P. M., when our brigade and division marched southward on the Atlanta road, halting at Peach-tree Creek to get supper. Wood's division was already across Peach-tree Creek and had met a pretty stubborn resistance, but the enemy had to yield. Our forces captured a lieutenant-colonel, a major, a captain, and forty privates or enlisted men. Some time after supper, at about ten P. M., we marched across Peach-tree Creek on a bridge which the pioneers had constructed at same point where the old bridge had been burned. We took position five miles from Atlanta and one-half mile from bridge, on the south bank of Peach-tree Creek. We relieved Wood's division, occupying a line of works which it had erected on east side of the road. Cleburne's division of Hardee's Corps was said to be to our front.

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Weather pleasant on the morning of July 20th. The rebels -- Cleburne's division -- close in our front, throwing balls over our heads from their skirmish-line. Had orders to march at five A. M. Some hopeful ones thought Atlanta would be ours by night-fall of the 21st. At six A. M. we changed position, and relieved the 3d Division again; 3d Division moved to the left. Our lines lacked nearly a half mile of connecting on our right with left of 20th Corps. The space was filled at noon, or partially so, and a forward movement made by our division, in connection with 20th Corps at 12.45 P. M., driving the rebels from their works. At 2.15 P. M. our brigade moved forward about three-quarters of a mile, halted a short time, and then the 15th Missouri and 73d Illinois were ordered forward, with instructions to go as far as we could. We went only about one-quarter of a mile before we could plainly see the enemy's rifle-pits, from which he began to fire at us. We halted and hastily put up breastworks. Part of the regiment held position in a garden. The striking of balls against the garden fence made quite a rattling, disagreeable noise. The firing on our left by the enemy became so severe that our forces were driven back. At the same time heavy firing opened on our right, from 20th Corps. Orders came for us to fall back, which we did immediately, taking position on the extreme right of the 4th Corps, to protect its flank and fill or cover a space between us and the left of 20th Corps. By this time it was three P. M. and the battle raged desperately. Hooker's skirmishers were pressed back; so were the skirmishers on the left of our division. It was thought for a time that we would be compelled to fall back, as the rebels

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passed our right flank, but we held our position, delivering a destructive enfilading fire on the enemy, both as he advanced on Hooker and as he retreated across the open field in Hooker's front. The rebels were punished severely. Hooker followed them up and changes were made in position of troops so as to effectually close the gap between the 4th and 20th Corps. During the engagement the 73d was unprotected by works. The firing continued quite a while after the repulse of the rebels, but was less severe, being delivered principally by their skirmishers and sharp-shooters. A shot from the latter, it is supposed, wounded both the writer and William Martin, of Company C. In making the reconnaissance just before the engagement became general, one of Company G was killed -- George C. Daerfler. The rebels were repulsed at all points, and their losses were extremely heavy. In Butterfield's front six hundred rebel dead were found. The total losses of the enemy were estimated as high as five thousand, including killed, wounded, and captured. The Federal losses aggregated two thousand in all, including the slightly wounded.

The persistency and desperateness of the fighting on the part of the rebels is mainly accounted for by the fact that this battle -- Peach-tree Creek -- was the first one occurring after the accession of General J. B. Hood to the chief command of the Confederate army. The victory was regarded as a complete one for our forces. The losses of the 73d in this action were one killed and eight wounded. Our troops advanced and occupied the enemy's works. The 73d fell back a short distance at dark, and cooked supper, and then returned to the works at eight P. M., after thoroughly

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cleaning and putting guns in order. The time up to near midnight was spent in strengthening the works. After midnight we lay down on our arms, within hearing of the groans of the wounded and dying on the field. Our position was four and one-half miles from Atlanta.

All quiet on the morning of July 21st. The rebels were only one fourth of a mile to our front in a line of works. The day was spent in burying the dead; both our own and the rebel dead. It was a big job, requiring a heavy detail during the forenoon to complete it. Picket firing was resumed before noon, and kept up during the remainder of the day. All the men were in "good cheer" over yesterday's successes. Early on July 22d it was discovered that the rebels had withdrawn from their new line in our front. Hooker's men moved promptly at eight A. M. Our division moved at eleven A. M., with our 1st Brigade in rear. It was not long, however until it was represented at the front by the 36th Illinois, skirmishing within two miles of Atlanta. In our movement we passed a nice, large, bay horse, lying dead in the road, which was said to have been the rebel General Stephenson's. It was conceded by the enemy that General Stephenson was killed. The Atlanta papers contained this admission. Our forces met with a very serious loss on this date. General James B. McPherson, while riding not far from the head of a column of his (17th Corps) troops, was shot dead. His body was, however, saved from falling into the hands of the enemy.

There was much skirmishing along our entire front, some of it very heavy, and the rebels kept throwing solid shot at intervals during the day from their

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batteries near the city. Not only solid shot, but shells were kept flying and bursting over and around us while engaged in building works. By night-fall we had a line formed about two miles from the city of Atlanta, running circuitously around it. Commencing on the right and resting on the Chattanooga and Atlanta Railroad was the position of the 14th Corps; the 20th Corps to the left of the 14th; then the 4th, 15th, 16th, 17th, and 23d Corps in their order, the left of the 23d Corps resting on or near the Augusta and Atlanta Railroad. This line was fortified by heavy earth-works, and artillery was placed in all commanding positions. The enemy's line of defenses was over a half mile to our front.

From our position we could distinctly hear the heavy firing away to our left in the direction of Decatur, which was being done by the 15th, 16th, and 17th Corps in repulsing persistent and repeated onslaughts by the enemy. The desperateness and fury of the rebel charges was equaled only by the perseverance, bravery, and grand steadiness of the soldiery in the Army of the Tennessee, inspired and directed by the magnificent leadership of LOGAN, and further stimulated and impelled, if possible, by the watchwords "McPherson and revenge." The 4th and 23d Corps escaped, or rather missed, the enemy's assaults of this date; but for their exemption in this case they paid fully, a few months later, at Franklin, Tennessee.

July 23d, our position was nearly two miles north of Atlanta. We remained in our works all day. We occupied our time in making our works stronger, and digging our trenches deeper. The enemy kept sending shells and solid shot at us during the day; the solid shot varying in size from twelve to sixty-four pounders.

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General Rousseau arrived, to take command, as was supposed, of a body of cavalry going on a raiding expedition to the rear of Confederates. General McPherson's remains were sent to Ohio on this date. Early in the morning of July 24th it was cool enough to make fire essential to comfort; accordingly, the cooks had many inspectors of their way of doing things before breakfast. The shelling was kept up constantly during the day, and was indulged in by both armies. At night we could trace the passage, or course, of the enemy's shells through the air by the light of the burning fuse; sometimes quite a lengthy line or streak of light marked the course of passing shells. Many shells burst near us, or over us; but, luckily, there were no casualties in the regiment. Under cover of night, we advanced our line of works one hundred yards, which was the only advance made on this date. The artillery dueling continued during the night. The picket-firing was also very steady.

Weather cool again early July 25th. The regiment went to the picket-line at 7.30 A. M., and relieved the 15th Missouri; our sentinels were about two hundred yards from the rebels. There was a constant interchange of shots between the pickets of the two armies. Our lines were advanced during the night quite two hundred yards; a heavy earth-work was erected, and sharpened pickets and brush were placed a few rods in front, and extending back nearly to the embankment. Our defenses once completed, the rebels might assault, or not, as they chose; we were ready in either case.

Still cool early in the morning of July 26th. We were relieved from picket by the 88th Illinois, and we then retired to the front line of works, and remained

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there until ten A. M., when our brigade was relieved by the 3d Brigade, when we moved one-half mile to the rear and posted as reserve to the division. Tents were put up, although it was not intimated that we should remain in this position any given time. In diary at hand -- Kyger's -- we find the following extracts from General Thomas's official account of the actions of 20th and 22d:

"In the battle of 20th, in which the 20th and one division of 4th Corps were engaged, also a part of 14th Corps, total Union loss, in killed, wounded, and missing, 1,733. In front of the 20th Corps, there were put out of the fight 6,000 rebels; 563 of them were buried by our own troops; 250 additional were buried by the rebels themselves. The 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, repulsed seven assaults of the enemy, with slight loss, which must swell the rebel loss much beyond the 6,000. Prisoners captured, 300, and seven stands of colors. No report from the 14th Corps received. In the battles of the 22d, Union loss, in killed, wounded, and missing, 3,500, and ten pieces of artillery. Rebel loss, prisoners captured, 3,200; known dead in front of 15th, 16th, and one division of 17th Corps, 2,142. The other division of 17th Corps repulsed six assaults of the enemy before it fell back, which will swell the rebel loss in killed to at least 3,000. There were captured from the enemy in this battle eighteen stands of colors and 5,000 stand small arms.

"By order MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS."

With the exception of picket-firing, all was quiet the night of July 26th. Occasional artillery shots were exchanged, with little or no damage to us. On July 27th we were still in reserve to division. A drizzling rain fell early in the day. The Army of the Tennessee moved past our camp, going to the right; it struck tents at four A. M. The movement was made in execution of another of General Sherman's flanking operations. The troops and trains of the Army of the Tennessee occupied the whole day and part of the night in

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passing. We received orders, during the afternoon, to be ready to move at a moment's notice, but to leave tents standing. The order grew out of what was termed a "picket scare." We did not move; at night all was quiet. During the day there was much heavy cannonading going on away to our right. It was on or about this date that the artillery, by direction of General Sherman, commenced dropping shell into Atlanta at the rate of fifty or sixty per hour, day and night. The train of the Army of the Tennessee was still passing our camp early July 28th. In our front all was quiet, except picket-firing. There was no news from the right wing. Heavy fighting was going on in that quarter, as evidenced by the unmistakable sounds of cannonading and musketry. It was on a previous date, about this time, that General John M. Palmer made a record that did not, or does not, commend itself to the favorable consideration of many of his fellow-officers and soldiers. It is thought that timely co-operation by General Palmer with General Schofield might have prevented the sacrifice of many lives in the operations of the day. At about this date General Stanley assumed command of the 4th Corps; General Howard taking leave of the corps, on assuming the command of the Army of the Tennessee, in the following order:

"OFFICIAL EXTRACT.

"HEAD QUARTERS 4TH ARMY CORPS,

"NEAR ATLANTA, GEORGIA, July 26, 1864.

"Having been assigned to another command, the duty -- by no means a pleasant one -- devolves upon me to take leave of a corps that I have learned to love and trust. The time of our service together has been short, but crowded with remarkable events. The words Dalton, Resaca, Adairsville, Kingston, Cassville, Dallas, Kenesaw, Smyrna Camp-ground, and Peach-tree Creek, suggest to us fields of conflict, more or less severe, where we have buried

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many an endeared comrade; where you have won honor for yourselves, and where the enemy has learned anew to fear and respect the power of the Government for which we fight. It is with pain that I realize my inability to reward your cheerful devotion to duty, your arduous and prolonged labor, and your uncomplaining sacrifices. I heartily appreciate the constant co-operation of the division commanders, and the cheerful manner in which they have sustained me, and in which they have been sustained by their officers. To them, and through them to their commands, I tender my warmest thanks and unqualified commendation. No officer could have received more ready and untiring assistance from his staff than I have from mine. To them, also, I say I am more than gratified. Believing from my heart that our cause is right and just before God, as I take leave of you, I commend you to His blessings, and trust he will assist our armies to complete the work he has enabled them so gloriously to bring to the present stage of success.

(Signed,) "O. O. HOWARD, Major-General Commanding.

"Official: E. D. MASON, Acting Adjutant-General."

Before the reception and reading of this order, a congratulatory order from General Sherman had been received, and read to us the night of July 26th. It dwelt chiefly on the success at the battle of Peach-tree Creek.

General Jeff C. Davis succeeded General Palmer in the command of the 14th Army Corps. At about, same time General Hooker, feeling himself aggrieved by the advancement of General Howard to the head of the Army of the Tennessee, asked to be relieved from his command, which request was granted, and General Williams was assigned to command the 20th Army Corps for the time being. General Kimball, our brigade commander, was taken from us, and placed in command of the 1st Division, 4th Army Corps. Colonel Opdycke, of the 125th Ohio, became our brigade commander, at the same time his regiment also becoming part of our brigade.

At sunset of 28th we made a feint to our front, to draw the attention of the enemy from that part of the

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line where Schofield and Logan were operating. We returned to camp at ten P. M. Nothing of importance transpired on our part of the line on July 29th. The usual artillery and picket dueling was indulged in. The same is all there is to report for the 30th, except a report that the 23d Corps was going from our extreme right around to our extreme left. The data at hand does not disclose any information as to whether this move was made or not; but it must have been, as appears later. There was seemingly an unnecessary amount of marching -- going from one wing or flank to the other so often.

On the 31st we policed our quarters and camp, and had preaching at eleven A. M., by Chaplain Jaquess, of the 73d. All the news received from points in our line seemed to be of an encouraging character. There was unusual quiet during the entire day, Sunday, July 31st. The 25th Illinois received orders to proceed to the rear, preparatory to going to some point, to be mustered out of service. Captain Kyger accompanied the 25th as far as department head-quarters. This was on the 1st day of August, at which time the 73d was two miles north of Atlanta. Late in the afternoon we received orders to march, and to leave tents standing. Started at six P. M., marched about four miles to the extreme left, and relieved the 23d Corps, which is to go to the extreme right. We got into a good position behind a strong line of works, shortly after nine P. M. This move placed us one mile north-east of Atlanta. Tuesday, August 2d, many of the division, as opportunity offered, went to a house -- styled the Howard house -- on top of which was a lookout, and obtained a good view of the city of Atlanta, and of the surrounding

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fortifications. But few of the enemy could be seen in the fortifications, which presented an appearance of being very formidable. In the course of the day, Wilder's brigade of mounted infantry came up and formed on our left. Cannonading away to the right could be heard, but it was thought there was nothing like a general engagement.

On August 3d we remained quietly behind our works, awaiting the turn of events. It was thought the rebels were moving to their left, and the heavy cannonading in the direction of our right made it seem reasonable that such was the case. At one point in our line of breastworks a good view of part of the city of Atlanta could be obtained. A few officers of the regiment ventured as far around to our left as the Decatur and Atlanta Railroad. Kyger secured a relic in the shape of a fragment of a burst twenty-pounder Parrott gun, which belonged to the 15th Indiana battery; it was a relic of the engagements of July 22d. A reconnaissance was made by two regiments of the 1st Division. After driving the rebels from their skirmish pits, the two regiments at dark fell back. The only word received from the right wing was that the 23d Corps had not yet got into position. An old lady and two girls came into our lines and passed through our regimental camp. They desired to be sent to Nashville. According to their representations, the inhabitants of Atlanta were in a destitute condition.

On August 4th we moved farther to the left, near the extreme flank of the army; made this move late in the day, carrying planks and boards along, and resting on them during the night. Next day we arranged and policed our camp. At one P. M. there was a call for

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forty men and two officers from the regiment to go on picket. Captain Kyger and Lieutenant Dodge were the officers detailed. The detail was posted on the Decatur and Atlanta Railroad. A regiment from the 1st Division made a reconnaissance in front of our pickets, going one-half mile to the front, driving the rebels into their main line, then returning without suffering any loss. Another detail from the 73d, in charge of Lieutenant Van Winkle, went out at dark and relieved the pickets which were posted at two P. M. Except the usual artillery and picket firing, all was quiet at the close of the day.

At seven A. M., of the 6th, we had a report that the rebels were massing on our left. A part of our forces fell back on our left, in order to protect that flank. At noon we were required to he under arms ready for an emergency. Late in the evening our lines were advanced after a sharp skirmish, which caused quite an excitement for the time being. The railroad bridge across the Chattahoochie was completed, and the first train passed over it on this date. The train brought to the front three thirty-two-pound siege-guns, to be placed in front of the right of the 4th Corps. The 7th of August passed quietly with us, but there was cannonading on the right. August 8th there was heavy cannonading again on our right. The Montgomery and Atlanta Railroad was said to be commanded or reached by our artillery, and our forces were reported to be but little more than a half mile from it. Heavy rains fell during the day, also at night. Tuesday, the 9th, our artillery all joined in a general bombardment of Atlanta, dropping shells into the city at the rate of sixty per minute part of the

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time. No news from the right wing. On the 10th we drew rations. It rained during the afternoon. Heavy cannonading continued during the day.

Thursday, August 11th, weather very warm. Captain Kyger, on account of being unable to talk, went to division hospital to see Dr. Pierce. Finding the doctor had gone to the brigade, Kyger rode around to the right as far as the Chattanooga and Atlanta Railroad, where he saw a train of cars and some thirty-two-pounder siege-guns, four in number. The 20th Corps was holding the line at the railroad; the 1st Division to the right, and the 2d and 3d to the left of the railroad. The 20th Corps skirmishers were within one hundred yards of a rebel fort, so near that the rebels could not use their artillery without unduly exposing their gunners. Kyger returned to division hospital, and remained until sunset; then went on to the regiment, arriving at eight P. M. He stated that Lieutenant Newlin was getting on finely, and would return to the regiment in a few days. Five rebel deserters came in on the Atlanta and Augusta Railroad, where a portion of the 73d was standing picket. No information that was deemed reliable or valuable was obtained from these deserters.

On Friday, the 12th, we received notice that we would be paid off within ten days. Another reconnaissance was made the evening of this date; the rebels were driven within their main line of works again, the loss to our side being one killed and three wounded. William R. Cook, a recruit assigned to Company C, reported for duty at nine P. M. On Saturday, August 13th, Major Motherspaw and Captain Kyger started to the division hospital; meeting Doctor Pierce on the

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way, they got their prescriptions. Kyger went on to the hospital to get them filled, Motherspaw waiting for Kyger at the ambulance train, when they returned to the regimental camp at twelve o'clock noon. During the whole of this date an unusual quiet prevailed up to nine P. M., when the artillery around our entire front opened on the city of Atlanta. The rebels replied but feebly, throwing some shot and shell into our camp; mortally wounding one man of the 88th Illinois, also one cavalryman immediately to the left of the 73d. The rebels continued their fire up to eleven P. M. only; the "Yanks" kept on firing away until morning. It was a grand sight to see the shells strike their long curved lines, made visible by burning fuse, as they sped to the doomed city.

Sunday, August 14th, inspection of arms by companies was had; quiet prevailed during the entire day; there was little news, except a report that Wheeler's rebel cavalry were making a raid north of the Chattahoochie River. In the afternoon late, the cavalry on our left, were ordered out, which gave a color of foundation to the report. Next morning, August 15th, the regiment was ordered out on picket before breakfast, to relieve the cavalry. After going about one-quarter of a mile, a detail of sixty men was made for picket, the balance of the regiment returning to camp. On this date, some women refugees came in. Orders were issued requiring roll-call each morning and evening, for the purpose of preventing the men going away any considerable distance from camp.

August 16th, Lieutenant Newlin reported for duty. Weather was very warm and news scarce on this date. At nine o'clock P. M. we received orders to pack up,

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and be ready to move immediately. Very soon, we were in readiness; orders came specifying that we would move one thousand yards only, to the left, to fill the space vacated by the cavalry. We moved, taking all our traps along, and getting to rest shortly after eleven P. M. The sixty men put out on picket on the 15th, were relieved by another detail from the 73d before dark on the 16th.

Captain Kyger could talk only in whispers on the 17th, that being the twelfth day of his disability in that way; his health otherwise pretty fair. Kyger and his lieutenant put up their shelter-tent, and then put a shade over it, making their quarters very pleasant. The regimental wagon came up at noon, and brought blanks and papers. Some work was done on the payrolls in the afternoon; also much done, in fixing up camp, by the men. Near night it was thought there were strong indications of massing in our front on the part of the rebels, and the prospect for a battle seemed good. Teams and wagons were all ordered to the rear. We were up at four o'clock on the morning of the 18th, according to orders. Cannonading and musketry were both pretty heavy on the right wing. The regimental wagon started back to Vining Station. William R. Cook went with it, sick. Orders for all to remain closely about camp were enforced. Kyger was regimental camp officer; the camp was in a splendid place, and was cleaned up nicely, and put in tiptop order, under Kyger's direction during the forenoon. After sleeping at intervals along in the afternoon, Kyger, at about 4.30 P. M., heard a squad at regimental head-quarters talking as he thought about a grape-vine dispatch. Although he felt unusually stupid and bad, Kyger went up to hear the

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news. Captain Patten accosted him pretty sharply thus: "Say! why, Cap., you are asleep." Kyger answered immediately, "I am not," which were the first words he had spoken above a whisper for thirteen days. It was an agreeable surprise to Kyger to find he could talk again.

There were yet some indications of an attack by the enemy in our front. Five outpost or advance pickets of the 21st Illinois were "taken in" by the rebels on the night of the 17th. They probably mistook the rebels to be an expected relief approaching them. Twenty men of the regiment were put on picket north of the railroad, and instructed to keep a sharp lookout for rebels during the night.

The entire regiment was up at three A. M. of 19th, as ordered, so as to be ready for any emergency. Breakfast was over and out of the way by four o'clock. There was heavy cannonading along the greater part of our lines; fires were built very early along our front left flank, for quite a distance, to convey the impression that we had received re-enforcements. At day-break we were ordered to fall in; we moved a short distance to our right, behind breastworks, remaining there until five P. M. then moving a little farther to the right, remaining until dusk; then we returned to camp. All these movements were made to draw attention of enemy from a movement by our right wing to strike the Atlanta and Montgomery Railroad. Heavy firing was kept up along our front, the skirmishers were pushed forward, and a support kept in sight where the rebels could see it, was the demonstration made. Very warm weather and showers of rain in the afternoon.

We were up, and had breakfast over by 3.30 A. M.

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of August 20th. Building of fires and marching of troops were again resorted to, to deceive the enemy. This, of course, was before daylight. Later, the 44th and 73d moved to the extreme left, and took position on the Atlanta and Decatur Railroad, built fires, and created, or sought to create, a false impression as to our force there. The 1st Brigade of 1st Division threw out and advanced skirmishers, to feel the enemy; found plenty of rebels; they retired behind their main line of works; but the object of the reconnaissance was effected with only the loss of four men wounded on our side. We were relieved by 1st Brigade, 1st Division, and returned to camp by 10.30 A. M. All quiet along the lines. Showers of rain fell at intervals during the remainder of the day. At four P. M. of this date Orderly Sergeant Wm. M. Sheets and Privates John Doop and Thomas Judd, of Company C, returned to duty, all in good health. At dusk Private Walter W. Scott, of same company, returned to duty. These men had come up from hospitals in the rear, some as fur back as Chattanooga. It was stated that the return of these men increased the number of guns in Company C to fourteen, which would indicate about one hundred and fifty men of the regiment present for duty on this date. All quiet during, the evening and still raining at nine P. M.

The weather was much cooler August 21st, Sunday. Had company inspection at ten A. M. There was no disturbance of any kind on the lines in our front on this date. The men of the regiment were recalling the fact that it was two years since the date of our muster into the United States service. Some gratification was expressed over the fact that two-thirds of our term of

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service had expired. Nothing was said about veteranizing; there was time enough yet for that, and no use of declining to re-enlist until an opportunity to do so was afforded.

All quiet on Monday, August 22d. Thirty men of the regiment went on picket at seven A. M. Kyger in charge, and Captain Ernst, of the 15th Missouri, in command of all the pickets from our brigade. There were no visible signs of the enemy. General Kilpatrick and command returned from a raid he had been making in the enemy's rear on or about this date; it was reported he had cut the Macon Railroad. News of the crossing of James River and the capture of one thousand prisoners by Grant's army was received. Zenas H. Fulton, of Company C, was put on picket post on this date, for the first time, he having previously been an attaché of the regimental hospital.

The detail from the 73d was relieved from picket at 7.30 A.M. on August 23d. The day was spent in strengthening the breastworks, and putting an abattis in front, some two rods in width, consisting of brush with all the larger limbs and branches sharpened, the points arranged and placed so as to make it a slow and tedious, as well as dangerous, business to get through it.

Weather much cooler on August 24th. The boys gathered closely around camp-fires early in the morning. At six A. M. a heavy detail was made to work on the breastworks. The work continued until noon, but was not resumed after dinner. The work already done, in this instance, as in many others, did us no good, except, perhaps, as a preventive or "bluff." The prospect of a move became very flattering. All extra baggage and the sick were ordered to the rear. In this

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connection, it is recorded that we had peach-pies, both for dinner and supper, on this date; the first of the season. Several times during the day, heavy smoke could be seen rising from Atlanta. It was supposed our bursting shell, or burning fuse of shell, set fire to houses in the city. Shortly after night-fall, we drew rations.

Thursday, August 25th, was a quiet, beautiful day, and continued so throughout. This was regarded as somewhat ominous or indicative, and at about five P. M. we received orders to be ready to march. Two or three hours later, under cover of darkness, we very silently withdrew from our line and filed out, the 73d in the rear of the brigade, followed by the 1st Division, 4th Army Corps, and then the 3d Division marched out, giving up our entire line to the left of the 20th Corps. Our 4th Corps took the road leading past corps head-quarters, and on over the battle-field of July 20th, It was about midnight when we passed over the field of Peach-tree Creek. Notwithstanding more than a month's time had gone by since the fighting of that sanguinary battle, the stench, as borne to us by the midnight air, was awfully offensive, almost strangling to us. On getting away from the battle-field, we changed direction and went south-westward, crossing the Chattanooga and Atlanta Railroad, and halting in the rear of the right division of the 20th Corps at four A. M. of the 26th, having inarched about eight or nine miles. At break of day, we hastily made dispositions for a brief rest; we were all very sleepy and tired. We were allowed to sleep until after sunrise; then a breakfast, consisting of "hard-tack," "sow-belly," and coffee, was partaken of. Our position and that of the 20th Corps,

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both in the vicinity of the Sand Town road, the 20th Corps having marched all night as well as the 4th, was discovered by the enemy, whereupon a few shells were thrown at us.

At eight A. M. our brigade took a position on the flank facing northward, and was ordered to throw up works, as a report that the rebels were advancing on us had been received. The 73d was sent out as skirmishers; but soon after getting deployed, and before advancing very far, we were ordered to rejoin the brigade. We returned immediately to the point where we had left the brigade, but did not find it there. The division had been called to move hastily to the right. We then followed the 3d Division. The weather was very hot, and a number of soldiers fell behind their commands. We caught up with the brigade at three P. M. There were five or six cases of sunstroke in brigade; none in our regiment, however. Just as we overtook the brigade, it was starting out again after a rest of several minutes, which placed us at somewhat of a disadvantage, the weather considered, not having had a rest and having been obliged to hurry up besides. A heavy rain fell during the afternoon, cooled the atmosphere, and facilitated our marching. We continued on in a southwest direction, to the rear of our line of works, encircling Atlanta.

After marching, altogether, fully nine miles, we halted before sunset in the rear of the 23d Corps. The 73d was very nearly "played out," only about six or eight men to each company stacking arms when first halted. The men kept coming up and reporting until as late as 9.30 P. M. Nicholson, Jones, and Judd, of Company C, failed to get up until next day. All seemed to be at

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a loss to understand the movement being made, and there was a great deal of conjecture in regard to it on the part of the "rank and file."

The 20th Army Corps went back to the Chattahoochie River to guard the railroad bridge. The lines as originally held about Atlanta, were relinquished by the evening of this date, as far as the right of former position of the 20th Corps, the 16th Corps holding the extreme left of the army. It was rumored, and generally credited, that all the troops to the left of the 23d Corps would move to the right during the night. Great activity on the part of our army was anticipated; and it was supposed that this activity would necessitate a like activity on the part of the rebels, whether they gave up their stronghold or not. We were aware that so far on the campaign, these "flanking operations" had invariably accomplished something, if not precisely the result intended.

We slept until sunrise of August 27th. A light shower of rain fell at daybreak, which was not altogether without an invigorating effect. We had orders to be ready to move at eight A. M. but when that hour arrived, we were notified that we should probably not move before noon. A heavy and long train of wagons kept moving to the right; otherwise all was quiet. At 3.30 P. M. we started out again, moving in a southwesterly direction, crossing the Sand Town road, and not halting until after dark. Our stopping-place was within two and one-half miles of East Point, on the Atlanta and Montgomery Railroad. We formed line of battle, and, being ordered, we proceeded to fortify. Our brigade was on the extreme right of division, and formed the flank facing nearly due westward.

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The 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th Corps had all moved to the right, leaving the 23d Corps the extreme left of the army. We soon had a line of works thrown up in a nice grove, and then we lay down to sleep. We learned the 20th Corps had been attacked by the enemy's infantry in force, and that the attack had been handsomely repulsed; but of the extent of loss to the 20th Corps we were not apprised. Our corps -- 4th -- all got into position during the day and early night, encountering only such resistance as small bodies of cavalry could offer.

We were up early -- by daylight -- on the 28th, and finished our breastworks before breakfast. There were no signs of an attack; the prospect was rather that we should be called on to change our position; accordingly, at seven o'clock we received orders to be ready to march immediately. At this early hour all was quiet, except an occasional shot on the picket-line, and the noise and clatter of axes energetically plied by men at work on the fortifications. We moved out at two P. M., to the south-west, quite three miles, and bivouacked for the night in a dense forest; it was with difficulty that we made our way through the woods. It was 8.30 P. M. when we finally halted. There was very little skirmishing during the day, but slight opposition being made to our movement. Our location was thirteen miles south-west of Atlanta.

We were all up by break of day, on Monday, August 29th; got breakfast before sunrise, and then drew rations, which was construed as indicative of an early movement. The next thing was orders to move; we moved promptly at seven A. M., going to the front and right. The 73d took position in second line of battle,

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in rear of the 44th Illinois. Our division joined the right of 23d Corps; the 1st Division -- Kimball's -- next to our right, and 3d Division held the right of position assigned to the 4th Corps, the last-named division being nearly all across -- east -- of the Atlanta and Montgomery Railroad. Four miles of the railroad were torn up during the forenoon; the ties were burned, and the rails were heated and bent and twisted out of shape. The 14th Corps held the lines to the right of the 4th. A very strong line of works was in process of erection, during the day, along the 4th Corps front. Not very far to the front of our advance pickets, a squad of rebel cavalry tried hard to "take in" a party of foragers belonging to the 90th Ohio. There were twenty-one men in the foraging party, and they all got in safely, save one; there was one missing at last accounts, and it was supposed that one was captured. Immediately after this, a lone "Johnnie" rode up to the crest of a hill, fired a shot, then wheeled suddenly about, and rode off at a rapid rate. In the course of the day, the various details had succeeded in making a total wreck of the railroad -- except the grading -- for many miles.

We were astir early again on Tuesday, August 30th, with orders to move at six A. M. We got off at 6.30, moving in a south-easterly direction, following the 14th Corps; the 23d following our corps. The 73d crossed the Montgomery Railroad in front of brigade, and advancing, soon encountered a force of the enemy's cavalry; an engagement ensued, in which one cavalryman was killed, and several taken prisoners. Our movement had been along the line of railroad destroyed the day before. Soon after getting past the destroyed portion of the railroad, the precautions were taken

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which put us in readiness for the little "brush" with the cavalry just mentioned. At eleven A. M., the regiment was ordered to the support of a strong skirmish-line, which formed, deployed, and charged across an open field, driving the cavalry from its barricades. The brigade moved up and formed line, built works, and remained in position until next day. While at this point we were three miles west of Rough and Ready, the nearest station on the Macon Railroad. At five P. M., the 73d went on picket. The Army of the Tennessee held the extreme right, the 23d Corps the extreme left, and the 14th and 4th Corps the center of the army, on this date; the 4th Corps, on its left, connected with the 23d.

There was very little fighting on this date, on any part of the line, beyond skirmishing, such as has been alluded to. At nine P. M., from our picket-line, we could distinctly hear -- as we supposed -- the rebel trains moving southward on a road not more than a mile eastward from our position. We could hear the teamsters yell out occasionally in urging their teams onward. Our picket-post was near Mount Gilead Church -- if you know where that is -- during the night of August 30th.

At daylight, August 31st, the rebel trains were still moving, and could be seen passing the church, from a point near our picket-line. It could be discerned too, that some artillery was passing the church as well as wagon-trains. At nine A. M. we moved our picket-line forward one-fourth of a mile. The 1st Division moved up on our right, and the 23d Corps took up a position on our left; being thus relieved, we were pushed forward again as skirmishers, and soon gained possession of a line of temporary breastworks and several

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prisoners. At three P. M. the 23d Corps moved in the direction of Rough and Ready; it was welcome to the job of taking that point, if it was all its name implied. The 4th Corps followed the 23d; the 14th Corps bore off to the right, taking another road. Mount Gilead Church was found to be situated on the north bank of a tributary to Flint River, at an angle or corner formed by said tributary stream and the Atlanta and Jonesboro wagon-road. We were relieved as skirmishers, and joined the brigade and division shortly after the 23d Corps began its movement in the afternoon. Our division bivouacked two miles west of Rough and Ready, and threw up earth-works. General Cox, with his division, crossed the railroad at Rough and Ready, encountering no resistance. General Howard, with the Army of the Tennessee, was reported to be within one-half mile of Jonesboro, in the direction of which point there was heavy cannonading late in the day. The 14th Corps still connected with the Army of the Tennessee on its right flank, and with the 4th Corps on its left. On our front, the earth-works were complete by 9.30 P. M., and we lay down to sleep as soundly as we might. Our entire corps had crossed the Macon Railroad and was formed in a hollow square, to camp for the night.

Thursday, September 1st, at four o'clock in the morning, we were up, ready, and waiting for orders. A portion of the regiment added some finishing touches to the breastworks in front. At seven o'clock, we received orders to march, and at eight, we moved out, and reached Rough and Ready at 9.15 A. M. Four miles of the railroad from Rough and Ready, in the direction of Atlanta, had been torn up during the night.

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Our division was ordered to form in line along the railroad, its left resting at the point where the railroad was destroyed, and where the undisturbed portion of the road set in, and extend our line to the right as far as the division would reach. We then stacked arms and commenced the destruction of the road, by all getting on one side, and taking hold of the ends of the ties, lifting, and turning the whole track bottom upward. We then wrenched the ties from the rails, and put them one on top of another, in piles, three feet high, or higher, and as far apart, almost, as a rail was long. The rails were then placed on these piles of ties, one end on one pile, and the other end on the next pile, and so on; each pile of ties, except the first and last, supported the ends of two or more rails, laid side by side, making a continuous line of iron rails on top of the piles of ties. Fence-rails and débris of the wreck were then piled under each length of railroad iron, equidistant from the ends, and set on fire. While the iron was growing hot, some heavy ties, reserved for the purpose, and logs or rock, anything that could be had, was placed on top the iron rails just above the fire, to weigh and bend the rails down to the ground, thus spoiling them. Many rails, while hot, were taken and bent around trees and saplings, at the edge of the woods. In this manner the railroad bed, or grade was dismantled to within one mile of Jonesboro. Before this destruction was complete, however, the 73d was called for, to go on the skirmish-line. We deployed, and advanced immediately, going to the left of the railroad, and reaching a position which enabled us to threaten, or render insecure, the enemy's right wing in the new position he had taken at Jonesboro. By this time it

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was nearly four P. M. The 14th Corps assaulted the enemy in front of Jonesboro, taking thirteen pieces of artillery and about as many hundred prisoners, and inflicting a heavy loss in killed and wounded; but of course, being the assaulting party, the 14th Corps suffered a heavy loss.

As had been the case for some three or four days, the right of our corps connected with the left of the 14th. Our corps getting up, its left was pushed around and engaged, and pressed back the skirmishers of the enemy on his extreme right, so that at dusk there was pretty sharp firing along our front. Doubtless much more would have been accomplished, had our division and corps left railroad-wrecking alone, and hurried up and arrived on the ground one hour sooner. As it turned out, we only captured the Confederate hospital, with one hundred and fifty sick and wounded, a dozen or so nurses, and one doctor. This doctor, as he passed through our lines, remarked, "Billy Fed, we are sold; we did not expect such an army here."

We kept on pressing our lines forward, until darkness made a farther advance unadvisable. After dark our regiment was relieved from the front and placed in reserve. One man from Company H missing, was all the loss the regiment sustained during the day. There were ten killed and wounded of the brigade. In our front, temporary works were hastily thrown up. We -- of the 73d -- being in reserve, spread down our gum blankets, and, lying down, were soon asleep. All was unusually quiet when we lay down; the sky was cloudless, and as we gazed upon the stars, we little thought our rest would be broken by hearing the rumble and roar of explosions in the direction of Atlanta; but such

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was the case. The sounds were similar to those produced by distant artillery firing, and were followed by a continued popping. The rumble and roar continued until near daybreak; then it ceased for a time; then began again, and continued until sunrise. It was somewhat alarming to us at first, and there were many and widely differing surmises as to what caused the "blowing up," as it was generally conceded to be. Many thought the rebels had made a dash and seized and fired our ammunition-train. It seemed incredible that we could hear the sounds of bursting shell at Atlanta; we being fully twenty miles from that point in a direct line.

We had been awake since about one A. M., had dispatched our breakfasts by six o'clock, and at seven A. M. of Friday, September 2d, we received orders to march, and we started without delay. The 73d was assigned as support to the skirmishers before we moved very far. It was soon ascertained that the enemy had slipped away from Jonesboro. We moved forward and took possession of the town and of the works encircling it. We learned that we had moved almost directly, on the enemy's rear the evening of the preceding day. It was thought if we had had two hours more of daylight the rebel force, consisting of Hardee's and Loring's corps, might have been "gobbled up." As it was, the rebels had received a severe punishment, losing nearly if not quite four thousand men in killed, wounded, and captured, and twenty-two pieces of artillery.

Taking advantage of the stop made, Captain Kyger and others went over the ground where the fight raged fiercest, in front of the 14th Corps. The rebel dead were being buried by the "Yankee" soldiers. Captain

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Holloway, of the 125th Illinois, was found to be all right. The losses in his company (D) were George Jordan, killed; Orderly Sergeant Finley, wounded in leg, slight; E. W. Eakin, face, severe; Allen Cotton, face, slight; Josephus Shearer, leg, slight; and John Dye, leg, slight. The loss in the regiment being Captain Charles, five sergeants, and two privates killed, and thirty-two wounded and missing.

At ten A. M. the army was in motion again, moving southward, our corps (4th) going along the railroad, the 15th Corps to our right and 23d to our left. The rebels relinquished the city of Atlanta, and it was taken possession of and occupied by the 20th Corps. All the ammunition, stores, and supplies of every kind that they could not carry or transport with them were destroyed by the rebels before leaving Atlanta. The depots of supplies, storage buildings, rolling-mills, foundries, and machine-shops were "blown-up," completely wrecked, and demolished, thus accounting for the noises and explosions we had heard early in the morning. The quantity of ammunition destroyed or "blown-up" was said to be not less than eighty carloads. We passed through Jonesboro, a small town twenty-two miles south of Atlanta. The railroad depot and several other houses had been burned by Kilpatrick when on his raid to the enemy's rear a few weeks previous to this date.

Continuing our march, we arrived within one mile of Lovejoy's Station by three P. M. Here we found the enemy intrenched on the opposite side of an open field, from our halting-place. We moved up within musket range of their skirmish-pits and established our line. The 44th Illinois was on the skirmish-line, and

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the 73d was ordered forward as support, and a brisk skirmish fire was maintained until night-fall. Captain Cross, of Company A, received a flesh wound in the thigh, which was the only casualty received in the 73d. Four men of the 44th were wounded. The regiments to our rear erected a line of works. At ten P. M. we were relieved; we then retired behind the works a short distance; our day's work was done and by eleven P. M. we were asleep.

Daylight of Saturday, September 3d, found us all astir, and on the lookout for the next "departure." There were no changes in the position of the combatants. The railroad had been destroyed up to within one mile of the station. A congratulatory message from General Sherman was read at the head-quarters of each command amid much enthusiasm. He said : "Our present task is well done. Atlanta is ours; the 20th Corps took possession at eleven A. M., of the 2d; therefore further destruction of the railroad will cease." Four months of active campaigning ended with this date, during which time not more than two days passed without a clash or contest of some kind, on some part of the line, with the enemy.

The soldiers generally regarded the victory which crowned their labors and dangers as at least among the most significant of the war. That Sherman had completely outgeneraled Hood was evident. No one, at this time, had any knowledge as to what would come next. The rash and desperate expedient which Hood resorted to was unexpected. There were rumors in camp to the effect that we should soon march to Atlanta, settle down, and take a rest. To men who had been four months tramping, picketing, skirmishing, and

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fighting, this was good news, if true. Of the one hundred and twenty days that had passed since the great campaign opened, we had been under fire at least ninety-six, and skirmishing in front was still going on, notwithstanding.

We gained some rest during the night of September 3d, and were up early on Sunday, the 4th. Orders were issued to clean and straighten up the camp; but for what purpose, our data do not show; probably out of respect for the day. There was a rumor that Hood had been re-enforced by a corps; by troops that the Georgia militia had relieved, doubtless. A portion of our trains were sent to the rear; but how far or to what point was not ascertained at the time. Indications still pointed to a withdrawal and falling back of our forces; voluntary, of course. Picket-firing continued during the day.

All was reasonably quiet on Monday morning -- the 5th. There was a dearth of news, and it seemed to many as if we had about reached the jumping-off place, in the woods and underbrush. A mail was received in the forenoon, which served to divert our attention and occupy the time. The picket-firing was still going on; but that had grown somewhat monotonous and tiresome. The remainder of our trains moved out, going to the rear, during the afternoon. A shower of rain before night-fall had a refreshing effect. At six P. M. orders to march at eight P. M. were received. We were going to Atlanta, and the instructions were to leave one regiment of each brigade on picket -- covering its brigade front -- until midnight, and then cautiously and silently withdraw, and follow, and catch up with the main body of troops which started earlier. In our brigade,

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the 73d was the regiment detailed to tarry behind, and at 6.30 P. M. we relieved the 44th Illinois from the skirmish-line. At eight o'clock it was raining, and continued raining until eleven P. M. At fifteen minutes after twelve midnight, the division officer of the day sent orders to draw in our pickets. This was very quietly done; the regiments, as they withdrew, formed in line in the earth-works in front of the camp our brigade had occupied. The "Johnnies" kept on firing just the same as before. As soon as all the regiments were withdrawn, we started off through the woods, finding it very dark. Before going very far some of the boys ran against a rotten log, which, on being knocked to pieces, supplied phosphorus to smear on the hat-brims of the men in advance, which aided greatly in guiding us out of the wilderness to the railroad. The enemy did not follow us up, and the sounds of his useless, desultory firing grew fainter in our ears as we quietly though rapidly proceeded on our way.

Just before daybreak of Tuesday, September 6th, we arrived at Jonesboro; we halted in the street and waited until after sunrise, sleeping some in the meantime. At Jonesboro we found the 14th Corps, occupying about the same position as on September 1st. Some of our men characterized the 14th Corps men as "pets," much to the mortification of the latter, at first; the grounds for such characterization being the well-earned permission to that corps to remain there while the rest of the army went on valiantly after the "Johnnies." After sunrise we joined the brigade on the same grounds we occupied in battle of the 1st instant; the 73d halted with its right resting at the place where its left lay before. Four days' rations were issued to us while

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remaining in line. We then moved a short distance to the rear, and were notified that we should pass the day and night there. Accordingly we put up our shelter-tents, and prepared for a kind of "harvest-home" picnic. The rebel cavalry followed up early in the day, skirmishing a little, but not very obstinately, just merely to ascertain our position and pick up stragglers -- if any -- we had left behind. A small quantity of cotton was destroyed by fire at Jonesboro, as we had not transportation to move it.

Our division began its march before daylight. September 7th; our brigade relieved the 2d and 3d Brigades from the front line; they started on, leaving us to follow at a "slow pace," as ordered, at seven A. M. We rested often on the way, and at three P. M. our division -- 2d -- halted on the "Pool Farm," to remain over night. On the most direct road, this farm was six miles from Atlanta. The "Preacher Regiment" bivouacked in the door-yard, in order that no chickens might escape. The man who had the farm leased admitted he had been in the trenches, as a member of the Georgia militia, for the defense of Atlanta. We used up his chickens, pigs, corn, and potatoes. The farm-house was very old, and much out of repair; no glass in the windows, with one exception. The head-quarters of Company C were located under a crape-myrtle tree, bearing a beautiful purple flower, which did not entirely wither until December as a rule.

We were up early on Thursday, September 8th. Soon after breakfast we received orders to march at seven; but as our division was to march at the rear of corps, it did not get started until 8.30 A. M. Being thus delayed, we had a gay time throwing cotton-balls and cobs at

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each other, making a sham-battle out of it. We were all feeling unusually lively for various reasons, the principal of which was the prospect of an early entrance within the "Gate City." We marched on the direct road to Atlanta, passed inside the pickets -- 20th Corps -- and halted at 12.15 P. M. just inside the rebel line of works.

We resumed our march after a fifteen minutes' stop, and passed into Atlanta on a street leading past the court-house, a large two-story brick, located in the center of a square shaded by forest trees. But one place was noticeable indicating that the building had been struck by a cannon-ball, and that did not appear to have been a "center shot." General Sherman's head-quarters were on the west side of the street opposite the courthouse. The next object of interest was the Chattanooga and Atlanta Railroad depot, a long brick building; and near it was the Trout House, once the leading hotel of the city, a three-story brick building. At this time it seemed to be a loafing-place for "Yankees."

We marched on northward to Second Street, which runs in nearly a south-west and north-east course, its extension being the "dirt road" leading to Decatur. On Second Street were many nice residences, situated quite a distance from the street, which appeared to have once been pleasant homes for a contented people, but on this date but few of them were, occupied.

There were some manifestations of pleasure at our coming, on the part of the people who were at home, by showing themselves at front doors, at windows, and on the porticoes and verandas. The wealthiest class, the aristocratic portion of the population, were generally gone from home. The arsenal was located on Second

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Street, a two-story frame building extending the full length of a block; all the machinery had been taken out.

Farther out, in the north-eastern suburbs of the city, we came to a place where the large rolling-mill, the four locomotives, and the eighty car-loads of ammunition, had been "blown up" on the morning of September 2d. The building was entirely destroyed; boilers were thrown from their places; an immense fly-wheel was left creeling in its pit; the locomotives were badly battered, and one of them thrown from the track; all of the woodwork was burned off the car-wheels; the wheels were standing on a tieless track, surrounded by broken shells, huge solid shot, some one hundred-pounders, grape-shot, canister, and all manner or kind of ammunition used. It was a great destruction of property, which might have proved useful to the enemy and very damaging to ourselves, could the enemy have held or saved it. But just there was where the rub came. He could do neither; so, to keep this property from becoming useful in our hands and damaging to themselves, the rebels destroyed it. The rolling-mill was said to be the only one of any note in the South. All the heavy plating for the rebel gun-boats had been turned out at this mill. The mill at High Tower was also entirely destroyed. We had halted a short time in the vicinity of the ruins, which furnished us an opportunity to view them.

The fall of Atlanta, the loss and demolition of property, of machinery wherewith to manufacture, and of material to manufacture from, or out of, was an extremely heavy and crippling blow to the struggling Confederacy, and went far in the direction of bringing on the beginning of the end of the war. Leaving the ruins, we passed on outside the line of fortifications,

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keeping on the Decatur wagon-road, until we reached a point beyond our own, or the "Yankee" line of works about one mile from the center of Atlanta. The 1st and 3d Divisions of the 4th Corps went into camp on the right of the road, with their left in the direction of Decatur; while our division filed off to the left of same road, and went within a half mile of the point we left on the 25th of August when beginning the last great flanking operations. It was given out that our halting-place of this date was not to be our permanent camp; nor any other place either, as time proved, was to be our permanent camp. This entire circuit around the city and the movement twenty-eight miles south of it, and back, made in thirteen days, was with the loss of but one man wounded (or officer, rather), Captain Cross, and one man missing from the 73d.

All very quiet on this date, September 8th. It seemed strange, as well as agreeable, to have it so. No sound of an enemy's guns, or of our own, did we hear on this day, which was the first day since May 2d, that we could not hear some firing by the enemy, either to our front, or right, or left, or somewhere. We had passed

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through four months of continual popping, shooting, whacking, and banging. Now it was delightful to have one perfectly quiet day, and the privilege to anticipate or expect a few more like it. We had no news or orders on the 9th, but drew rations of fish and flour. The supply of rations about this time, was not very abundant. We were occupied on September 10th in fixing and cleaning up camp. During the day the following orders were promulgated:

HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND, NEAR JONESBORO, GEORGIA, September 6, 1864.

Orders.

The general commanding directs that the following order be published to all the troops comprising the Army of the Cumberland:

"HEAD-QUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,

"IN THE FIELD, NEAR JONESBORO, GEORGIA, September 6, 1864.

"Special Field Orders No. 66.

"I. The general-in-chief communicates, with a feeling of just pride and satisfaction, the following orders of the President of the United States, and the telegram of Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant, on hearing of the capture of Atlanta:

"First.

"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 3, 1864.

"The National thanks are rendered by the President to Major-General W. T. Sherman, and the gallant officers and soldiers of his command before Atlanta, for the distinguished ability, courage, and perseverance displayed in the campaign in Georgia, which, under Divine favor, has resulted in the capture of the city of Atlanta. The battles, marches, sieges, and other military operations that have signalized the campaign, must render it famous in the annals of war, and have entitled those who have participated therein to the applause and thanks of the Nation.

(Signed,) "ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

"President of the United States.

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"Second. "EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C., September 3, 1864.

"Orders.

"First. That on Monday, the 5th day of September, commencing at the hour of twelve o'clock noon, there shall be given a salute of one hundred guns at the arsenal and navy-yards at Washington, and on Tuesday, the 6th day of September, or the day after the receipt of this order, at each arsenal and navy-yard in the United States, for the recent brilliant achievements of the fleet and land forces of the United States in the harbor of Mobile, in the reduction of Forts Powell, Gaines, and Morgan. The Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy will issue the necessary orders, in their respective departments, for the execution of this order.

"Second. That on Wednesday, the 7th day of September, commencing at the hour of twelve noon, there shall be fired a salute of one hundred guns at the arsenal at Washington; at New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Pittsburg, Newport, Ky., New Orleans, St. Louis, Mobile, Pensacola, Hilton Head, and Newbern, on the day after the receipt of this order, -- for the brilliant achievements of the army, under the command of General W. T. Sherman, in the State of Georgia, and the capture of Atlanta. The Secretary of War will issue directions for the execution of this order.

(Signed,) "ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

"President of the United States.

"Third.

"CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, Nine o'clock P. M., September 4, 1864.

"MAJOR-GENERAL SHERMAN, -- I have just received your dispatches, announcing the capture of Atlanta. In honor of your great victory, I have ordered a salute to be fired with shotted guns from every battery bearing on the enemy. The salute will be fired within one hour amidst great rejoicing.

(Signed,) "U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.

"II. All the corps, regiments, and batteries, composing this army, may, without further orders, inscribe ATLANTA on their colors. By command of MAJOR-GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN,

(Signed,) "L. M. DAYTON, Aid-de-Camp."

By command of MAJOR-GENERAL THOMAS.

(Signed,) HENRY STONE, Acting Adjutant-General.

Official: N. S. JACKSON, Lieutenant, and Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps.

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In the war-time the soldiers could get the attention and consideration which is too often lacking in time of peace, in places of authority and power. In time of war the soldiers were the indispensable agents for enforcing the governmental mandates and regulations, through the use of their guns, bayonets, and cartridges. The soldiers were invested and clothed with power which, in war, is exercised as the ultimate and last resort of governments, when all other means and measures have failed. Who can now adequately conceive of the chaotic and unsettled condition of affairs that might have obtained in this fair land had it not been for the services and sacrifices of the men who carried the muskets in the years 1861 to 1865.

Upon the soldiers the Government depended for its existence; without them it could not have continued to exist another day. Orders emanating from the highest civil and military officers of the Government recognized and fully admitted this fact. The soldiers were indeed the Government, and are and must be the bulwark and strong pillar of its foundation and support, now and hereafter. What our soldiers did in the War of the Rebellion proves in advance what their descendants would do in the future, should an emergency arise. But the record made in the War of 1861-65 by our soldiers, precludes the probability of an emergency arising that shall call for the like services and sacrifices.

We will return from this digression, and let the next war take care of itself. Major Motherspaw, Captain Kyger, and others of the regiment (the two officers mentioned being accompanied by Captain Jemison, of the 21st Illinois), visited Atlanta on a kind of tour of inspection. As the three officers named rode to the

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city, they continued their ride through and over it making a thorough examination. In no respect did the city come up to the expectations formed of it by the visitors. Perhaps they made insufficient allowances for the dilapidation and running down naturally resulting from the war engrossing and distracting the attention of the people for three years. The streets ran from the square, or center to all points of the compass; but few of them presented anything like an inviting appearance. There were some fair residences and business houses. The west, north-west, and north portions of the city were found to have been very much injured by our shells and solid shot. Nearly all the valuable machinery had been removed from the mills, arsenal, and shops by the rebels on their retreat. The great majority of the resident population of the city remaining within its limits were women and children. Pursuant to orders, our camp was policed and thoroughly refitted on this date, September 10th. Late in the day we were notified that on Monday we would move to another place, and go into a permanent camp. Much dissatisfaction was expressed with the camp as located on this date, and all of us were eager for a change.

Weather was quite cool on Sunday morning, September 11th. There were no items of interest to note beyond the fact that Chaplain Jaquess preached a sermon to all who favored him with their presence and attention. A detail of men went to Chattanooga to assist in bringing up transportation for the brigade; mules, harness, wagons, etc.

On September 12th, preparations were made for moving camp; the ground was selected, cleaned up, and regularly laid off and staked. The ground chosen

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for the new camp was in a nice grove, about one and one-fourth miles north-east of the city. The camp fronted the south-east; each company was allotted thirteen steps front, and thirty steps from front to rear. Quarters of line officers were twenty-five steps from the company front, and the field officers had their quarters forty-six steps from those of the line officers. The shelter tents were nearly all up by six P. M. Company C head-quarters, as usual, were first-class, though Kyger would have had them a little more so, if it had been possible. By many, these exact measurements and extra painstaking in laying off our camp were considered surely indicative of an early move, as much so as if molasses and flour had been issued by the commissary. "Major" Huffman, of Company C, a bricklayer by trade, had a contract to build a large oven for somebody in a neighboring brigade; this he construed as a sign of an early movement, and he hurried up with his job, so as to get his five dollars before orders to march were received. He barely succeeded by working hard for two days.

We were all up early on Tuesday, September 13th, at work on our camp and quarters. Captain Kyger and the writer secured scantling and some other material and out of it erected a respectable frame-work, over which to stretch our wagon-sheet. It was a matter of regret to Kyger that we could not get lumber for flooring. The next two days were likewise spent in improving and cleaning camp, and cleaning up generally.

On the 16th, Friday, orders were issued by Colonel Opdycke, our brigade commander, requiring company drill twice each day, and officers' drill each morning in front of his quarters, Saturday and Sunday excepted.

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Had dress-parade in the evening, the first for several weeks. On the 17th we made preparations for inspection, both of camp and of arms. Some very elaborate and tasteful decorations were put up. Major Motherspaw received a "leave of absence" for twenty days, to visit Illinois.

Rain was falling on Sunday, September 18th, which prevented General Stanley, our corps commander, from inspecting our grounds and camp. At ten A. M., as was expected, General Newton and Colonel Opdycke rode around through our camp. Major Motherspaw started for Illinois at eleven A. M.

Monday, 19th, had officers drill at brigade head-quarters, fifteen minutes, then returned to camp and had company drill. Wm. Martin, wounded July 20th, returned to duty. Tuesday, September 20th, no drill; rain prevented. Wednesday, 21st, the 73d was ordered out as escort to the forage train; left camp at noon. Captain of Company C remained behind and improved the time by getting some plank for floor for quarters. He was going to have that tent floored if the regiment moved next day. Some work was done on muster-rolls.

The 73d arrived in camp at dark on Thursday, the 22d, from forage trip, having been out fifteen miles. The division was reviewed on this date by General Stanley. The 73d being absent from camp on other business, missed the review, but quite a lot of forage was secured. The officers of the brigade were required to report, with muskets, at brigade head-quarters for drill on the morning of September 23d. The officers regarded this as quite a bore, and somewhat humiliating, and remonstrated against the drill by uniting and signing a petition to Opdycke to discontinue it.

Rain interfered with the drill on the 24th. Good

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news from General Sheridan in the valley of the Shenandoah was received, which produced much enthusiasm among the men of his old division. Sheridan, in a fight with Early, had worsted him, captured many prisoners, and pursued the rebel force up the valley.

We will give the entry in diary (Kyger's) for the 25th of September as nearly as we can:

"Sunday, September 25, 1864. -- Very pleasant. Captain Patten and myself received permission to go to the city after inspection, at eight o'clock. Took a direction to front of our position, held from 1st to 25th of August. On reaching the reb. line of works we found our sharp-shooters had done good execution; the head logs were sticking full of bullets. After coming to the main line of reb. works, we turned to the right and west, going along the works. Found them quite formidable, and showing plainly the marks of the siege. On reaching the main Atlanta dirt-road, leading in from the north, on which our brigade took position July 23d, we turned toward the city, going in on Peachtree Street. We came opposite the barracks where the rebs. confined our prisoners, but now it is vice versa; there are about eleven hundred rebs. confined there. It is a town block surrounded by a high plank fence, with a few ill structures inside for shelter, having the appearance of being a filthy place. From here we went on Marietta Street. Going along, we came to a residence, in front of which we halted. We observed many holes through the front of the house, which had been made by our shot and shell. There was a man at the gate, whom we approached, and on questioning, found him to be the owner and a Union man. He had remained at home with his family during the siege. Seven shots passed through his house, but fortunately did no further damage. The man's name was Fort; he was from Maine, and had come to this place seven years ago, to get his position as foreman in Winship & Co.'s machine-shop. Since the Rebellion commenced he has been keeping, as hands, as many Union men as he could to keep them exempt from impressment into reb. service. He saved the machinery of the shops for the Yankees, by boxing it up and feigning a disposition to send it South, until it was too late. His shop was all the one which had the machinery left in it in the city, and it is now running for the ‘Yankees’ I plucked a sprig from an evergreen shrub in his yard [for a relic]. We

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continued our ramble, going on down the railroad and through the above spoken-of machine-shop; found it running. The portion of the city we passed through was badly injured by shot and shell; some of the houses having as high as twenty holes through them. We went to the Trout House; took dinner; a pretty good one. 1 o'clock P. M. -- Went out on the street, and, to our surprise not a square from us was the advance of our brigade. We hastened to it, to ascertain why it was there. The 73d was the second regiment, and we were told that orders had come for the 2d Division to report at Chattanooga for temporary duty, and had about twenty minutes only in which to get ready to march, taking as much of the baggage along as could conveniently be taken. Patten and myself had to return to camp after our traps; took down and packed our tents and left them in care of Lieutenant Bodman, with Joe Reagan as guard. On reaching Atlanta again, the division had gone, and there was no train to leave until three P. M. on the 26th. Hollingsworth, Company C; Orderly Alvord, Company D ; and Smith Wright, Company G, were along with us. We took supper at the Soldiers' Home, and quarters in a freight-car, on the track where the next train was to leave from. Had a comfortable place."

According to Cassaday's memoranda, the regiment lay in camp, September 25th, until noon, at which time orders to march were received, and regiment moved out in a few minutes, going to the depot to take the train, as did the entire division. When all were on the train and ready, we moved out, at about three P. M. The train kept going all night; reached Resaca early on the 26th, but did not long wait at that point. Getting under way again, we made fairly good time, arriving at Chattanooga at two P. M. Shortly after unloading from the train, we drew rations; then we went into camp on the side of Cameron Hill.

We will go back a little, and follow Kyger and Patten and the three other members of the regiment to Chattanooga. They rested well in a freight-car the night of the 25th; took breakfast next morning at the

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Soldiers' Home, and drew three days' rations for the boys. They then made sure of getting off on next train by waiting near the track until three P. M., when a train loaded with soldiers of the 16th Corps, going to Rome, started out. The five 73d men rode on top of a car, having a pleasant time, and enjoying the romantic scenery during the daylight part of the trip. Train arrived at Kingston at eleven P. M., but soon pulled out for Rome, leaving the 73d contingent, who, after getting a sup of coffee all around, passed the remainder of the night on the platform at the depot. At daybreak on the 27th they were awakened by the whistle of a train rolling toward Chattanooga; it stopped, allowing barely time for the boys to mount it. Having daylight for the trip, our squad took position on top the car, to get a good view of the country we had marched and fought over to reach Atlanta. They arrived at Chattanooga by noon, without accident or incident of special note. The regiment was bivouacked nearly at the same place where it had stopped for a time precisely a year before this date. Some regiments of the 1st and 2d Brigades had been assigned positions at forts immediately on arriving at Chattanooga, but the 3d Brigade went on to Bridgeport. The purpose sought to be accomplished by our coming back was the protection of the railroad, and to look after, keep a sharp watch on the movements of Hood, the reckless and adventurous leader of the Confederates we had been contending with all summer. McDonald and A. Jones reported to Company C for duty. It is probable each of the other Companies of the regiment received a like re-enforcement. At sunset it began raining, and many of us

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were without shelter-tents. Captain Kyger and his lieutenant went to a building near by, and slept till morning on a carpenter's bench; a pretty good place to sleep. We had no orders to put up quarters or arrange camp at time of retiring, and it was not known what the next day's programme was to be.

We were up at daylight on September 28th, and passed the forenoon in our bivouac, awaiting orders. After dinner we received orders, and, in pursuance of same, moved without delay to the western suburbs of the town; had instructions to fit up camp as comfortably as we could with such lumber and other material as we could pick up near at hand. It was intimated that our stay at this point would be too short to justify much trouble in fixing up camp. The quarters, however, were much better when completed than was supposed possible to contrive out of the materials secured for the purpose. We had no mail on this date, but did have a report that Forrest was between Chattanooga and Nashville, threatening our line of communications.

We had warm weather and a clear sky September 29th. The 2d Division, 14th Corps, came up from the front and went on towards Huntsville, Alabama, to interpose and try to head off the force commanded by General Forrest. Lieutenant Bodman arrived with our baggage from Atlanta.

We had no mail or other news on the 30th. Quite a number of the 73d attended the Bishop's Minstrels show at night. Among them were Captains Kyger, Bennett, and Lieutenant Wolgermuth. The show was characterized as a "complete bore." But they stayed with it till the close, and got caught in a hard rain-storm on their return to camp. The wetting they received, no doubt,

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emphasized the bore considerably. Regiment received orders to go toward the front as guard to a large herd of cattle, but had instructions to await further orders.

Saturday, October 1st, rain fell early in the day. General Thomas went, as was supposed, to Nashville. The regiment went out as far as Mission Ridge, to start with cattle for the front; but the cattle not being all collected, or from some other cause of delay, the regiment returned to camp. The rain ceased and the clouds cleared away before noon.

At five P. M., Captain Kyger, in company with Quartermaster Slavens, started up Lookout Mountain. We copy entire what we find in Kyger's diary for this date, and also October 2, 1864:

"When about half-way up the mountain, rain commenced pouring down on us; reached top just after dark; would have had a pleasant ride and romantic view, had it not been for the storm. Spent the night quite pleasantly, with the quartermaster.

"October 2, Sunday, 1864. -- In the clouds this morning; they resemble a dense fog. I visited Captain Cross (wounded) at officers' hospital; found him doing well. Ten A. M., still can see but a short distance; rode to the south of Summertown, one and one-half miles, to see the extensive hospital arrangements going up; from appearances they are to last many years. Twelve noon. -- The clouds are passing off; prospect of a pleasant afternoon. Took dinner with Quartermaster Slavens's mess by request. Slavens went off the mountain this morning, to start to Louisville, Kentucky, to get a corn-crushing mill.

"Two P. M., Summertown. -- This has been a pleasant resort in its palmy days; four large hotels, one of them four stories high, and numerous dwellings, mostly one-story; all occupied now as hospitals.

"Three P. M., on Lookout Point. -- Here I beheld the most beautiful prospect, of a sublime character, that I ever looked on. The rippling Tennessee River, winding down between the mountain peaks, skirted on each side by a heavy forest; and beyond it, to the north lay Waldron's Ridge; to the east lay Mission Ridge, and

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far beyond it seem to roll up ridge after ridge until the eye rests on the mountains which form the western boundary of Carolina. To the south and west there seemed to be a vast extent of ridges and peaks covered with dense forests, and the valleys dotted with farms. Near this point of the mountain, and eighteen hundred feet below, lies the busy military town of Chattanooga in a north-easterly direction, its suburbs dotted with camps. Encircling Chattanooga are two lines of heavy rifle-pits; the elevated points are made more prominent by huge forts with guns mounted thereon, defying the advance of ‘Johnny Rebs.’ I remained on this point for two hours, and during that time a shower of rain fell from a cloud below forming a complete rainbow, the top of which was about level with me. The points of interest at nose of mountain are Lookout Point, Umbrella Rock, and Table Rock, which is the highest point, and on it the rebs. had a battery, from which they threw shell into camps around the town, from the 28th September to November 24, 1863. A light earth-work was thrown up to protect their guns. On Lookout was their signal station, and now an artist has a rough plank house erected, from which he takes photographs, seating the subjects on the point of the rocks if they wish.

"I left this point of interest and called on Captain Cross again. Took supper at the officers' club, in company with a Lieutenant Swisher. Rain commenced pattering again; started down the mountain; reached camp after dark. The regiment has gone out to take charge of the drove of cattle, to go to Cartersville. I do not have to go; Lieutenant Newlin has gone. They have orders to remain until further orders, before starting."

The 73d was out near Mission Ridge with cattle the afternoon and night of October 2d. During the night the cattle stampeded, got beyond the control of the guards, and scattered out all over the ridge.

It was raining on the morning of October 3d. We were ordered to be ready to march at daylight; we moved on time and after going one and a half miles, we halted and went into camp. The rain continued during the day and night; our situation was rather uncomfortable. No mail was received on this date at the camp in

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Chattanooga. Trains left Chattanooga to run through to Nashville.

The regiment was relieved on October 4th as cattle-guard, and returned to the old camp at Chattanooga, arriving at seven P. M. It was thought unsafe, and inadvisable, to start through with the large herd of cattle, as Wheeler was making threatening demonstrations, at first one and then another point, between Chattanooga and Atlanta. A mail was received on this date, the first for several days.

On Wednesday, October 5th, it rained again. We received orders to be ready to go in the direction of Atlanta by railroad. We received intelligence to the effect that fighting at Altoona Pass was going on. We boarded the cars at four P. M., started out immediately, and arrived at Dalton at eight o'clock; waited one hour, and then ran on to Resaca, six regiments strong on two trains; found the railroad bridge out of repair, one span having been washed out. Returned to Dalton; on account of rain, we kept inside the cars. Reports represented Wheeler as marching on Dalton. Having fourteen hundred men, all effectives, we might have accorded him a warm reception; but he did not show himself.

Referring to Comrade Cassaday's diary, we find it suggested that our movement to Resaca and Dalton was for the purpose of heading off Hood, and that we were not sure where he would strike the railroad. There was some interference and disturbance of the wires, between Resaca and Chattanooga, either by the storm, or by the enemy. The doubt and uncertainty we were in, on this point, caused skirmishers to be put out, and moved in advance of the railroad train, on the way back to Dalton. In other words, it was deemed prudent to

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"feel our way back;" we arrived at Dalton at four A. M. Uncertainty still prevailed, and no doubt had something to do in determining that our return to Chattanooga should be via Cleveland.

We had good news from Altoona Pass. Our force there, though a small one, succeeded in repulsing the rebel force, two or three times as large. At daylight of October 6th, rain was just pouring down. There were no signs of Wheeler's approach, and we received orders to return to Chattanooga, but had to await repairs on railroad bridge at Chickamauga Creek; the bridge having partially washed out the night of October 5th. At nine A. M. the rain ceased falling, and at noon the bugle sounded to call us to the cars. We were all on the train in due time, and off for Chattanooga. We had to go around by Cleveland, Tennessee, owing to damage done by the heavy rain to the railroad bridges on the direct line. We reached Cleveland at five P. M., and Chattanooga at eight P. M. Had an agreeable ride, circumstances duly considered. Were soon located in our old camp, hoping to be permitted to remain long enough to dry our "duds" Captain Kyger brought lumber from Dalton, Georgia, around by Cleveland, Tennessee, to Chattanooga, Tennessee, to make a bunk out of. As already intimated, lumber was scarce at Chattanooga; not much of it lying around loose since the memorable siege. Kyger did not allow State lines to interfere with his making provision for himself and family. The writer was fortunate in having Kyger for a partner, if he did snore pretty loudly. Sky clear, and weather colder at night-fall. It was clear and cool on the morning of October 7th, with a light frost. The 73d was ordered to Fort Wood to do garrison duty, while the

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125th Ohio went to Dalton. A few members of the regiment remained in old camp to do some writing, Kyger among them; had only just got cleverly fitted up there, bunk made, etc. Saturday, October 8th, weather cool and a high wind prevailed. The cars ran off the track between Chattanooga and Dalton; the train had three regiments on, viz.: 44th, 74th, and 88th Illinois. Doctor Ferson, of 74th, was killed; Colonel Barrett, 44th Illinois, and Doctor McPherson, 73d -- but detailed to 88th -- were severely hurt by the accident.

Frost again, on Sunday morning, October 9th. The regiment returned to camp from Fort Wood early on this date. In the afternoon, Captains Morgan, Kyger, and Lieutenant Tilton, took a stroll to look at a fort where some heavy guns were mounted, four one-hundred-pounders; continuing their jaunt, they went on and examined the stone fort, in process of erection at this time, which promised to be a splendid as well as a substantial structure, in the opinion of the visitors. From the stone fort they went to the hospital, to see Colonel Barrett and Doctor McPherson, and were gratified to find both doing well, and in a fair way to recover from their injuries received in the railroad accident of the preceding day.

On Monday, October 10, 1864, work was recommenced on all the fortifications about Chattanooga. The cause of this was the many rumors that Hood was marching in force in our direction. There was no confirmation of these various conflicting rumors during the day. There was no news or noteworthy event to specially mark Tuesday, October 11, 1864; all quiet.

On Wednesday, October 12th, a part of the regiment went on picket. Our sentries stood very nearly on the

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same line where they stood one year before; the reserve was posted at exactly the same point where it was placed the preceding year. A shower of rain fell late in the afternoon, interfering somewhat with the delivering of refreshments from camp to the officers on picket. Fair and cooler weather on Thursday, October 13th. Another part of the regiment, in charge of Lieutenant Van Winkle, was sent out to relieve the detail, which had been on picket for twenty-four hours, the latter returning to camp.

The 125th Illinois came in from Huntsville, October 14th, and reported Forrest as being safely south of the Tennessee River, with a loss of a few stragglers and a small part of his train. At ten P. M. of 14th, we received orders to prepare to take the field; store all extra baggage, etc. It being late, we did not execute the order, but went to bed instead.

We arose at an early hour on Saturday, October 15th, and were directed to await further orders before packing up superfluous luggage. At ten A. M. received orders to be ready to go aboard the cars at twelve, noon; take all baggage along. At the instance of Captain Kyger, Captain Baker relieved J. S. Peck, from guarding commissary stores, and had him report to his company -- C -- for duty. Four P. M., our baggage all at the Georgia depot, and 1st and 2d Brigades on the cars. Left our baggage in charge of Lieutenant Bodman. The train started, and kept going on the Georgia Railroad until we reached Ringgold, where we stopped, but remained in the cars all night. The object of this move was to check a raid that was expected. The rebels had already torn up seven miles of track south of Kingston, and nearly thirty miles north of that

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point; they had also captured the garrison at Dalton, and driven, or scared, the 115th Illinois away from Tunnel Hill, Ringgold, and all the stockades along the road to near Chattanooga. Sherman was so close upon the heels of the rebels that they could not hold the road.

Very early on the 16th we had orders to start back to Chattanooga at daylight; we started at six o'clock and arrived at eight A. M. We had a report that the rebels were moving in the direction of Bridgeport, Alabama. We did not get off the cars on reaching Chattanooga, but went west on the Chattanooga and Nashville Road; halted at Shell Mound, twenty-one miles from Chattanooga, to await orders. While waiting, a few members of the regiment (relic-hunters, perhaps) visited Nickajack Cave. Not being aware of the length of time at their disposal, the visitors did not penetrate very far into the cave, or try to find out any particulars concerning it. There was quite a large entrance to the cave and a stream of water flowing out of it, large enough to run a saw and grist mill. Visitors to the cave arrived at the train in good time, as we ran back seven miles on the road to Whitesides, where we remained over night. The greater portion of the regiment passed the night on the cars; the remainder made preparations for sleep on the ground near the railroad track. The writer and his captain did the latter, and slept soundly.

On Monday morning, October 17th, we were aroused early, so as to be ready to go to Bridgeport. We started at six A. M., and at eight o'clock arrived at Bridgeport. Were ordered off the cars to prepare and eat breakfast. At this point we joined 3d Brigade, which had been at Bridgeport since September 26th,

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having, comparatively, a nice easy time. Our division was all at Bridgeport on this date. It could not be told with any degree of certainty what the next move would be. Rumor had it that we would go to Stevenson. At four P. M. we were notified that we would remain at Bridgeport over night. At nine P. M. we received orders to get up early on October 18th, and be ready to mount railroad train at seven o'clock. Accordingly we were up at daylight of the 18th, got breakfast and were aboard the cars by eight o'clock, and rolled out for Chattanooga at 8.30. We arrived at Chattanooga at eleven A. M., and a few minutes later we had orders to have dinner over and be ready to march; to store all equipage which we could not carry along, as no transportation could be allowed us. At three P. M. our (1st) brigade and the 2d were on the march, going toward the Chickamauga battle-field. We reached Rossville at sunset, and then took the left-hand road, the same one over which we traveled the night of September 20, 1863, when going to the extreme left of the Army of the Cumberland. We marched on very steadily, passing over the battle-field long after night-fall. Having only the starlight, we could not see many signs or marks of the fierce struggle we had participated in thirteen months before. We arrived at Lee & Gordon's Mills at ten P. M., having marched fourteen miles. We halted for the night very willingly, as we were all exceedingly tired. The 2d Division of the 14th Army Corps, with two thousand head of cattle and a wagon-train, was at this point on this date.

Weather cool, early October 19th; some frost. On examination, we found we were bivouacked very nearly

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on the same ground where we formed in line of battle precisely thirteen months before this date. Captains Bennett and Kyger visited the 125th Illinois. All the members of Holloway's company that were present were found to be in good health and spirits; Will Frazier being mentioned in Kyger's diary as a fair sample of the whole company. The 2d Division, 14th Corps, moved out at seven A. M., leaving one thousand head of cattle for the 2d Brigade of our division to drive and have in charge. We started at 8.30 A. M., going past Crawfish Springs, on the Catlett's Gap road to Lafayette. The gap is two and one-half miles long, with a fairly good road passing through, with heavy timber on each side, producing a feeling of lonesomeness and solemnity. The hills on either side are about eight hundred feet high. After sunset we halted one-half mile north of Lafayette, to pass the night, having marched seventeen miles since morning.

We were up at four o'clock of the 20th, to march at five, but did not get started till six. We marched through Lafayette, a small country town, with only a few houses occupied at the time. Passing on, we marched on the Broomtown road, in the direction of Alpine, Georgia. Twelve miles was the distance traveled on this date, before halting for the night on the bank of Chattooga Creek.

Friday morning, October 21, 1864, we were up at four o'clock, with orders to report at brigade head-quarters at five, to take charge of the drove of cattle. Reported on time, and started immediately, marching at a moderate rate and stopping frequently during the forenoon; but in the afternoon we marched steadily, though not rapidly. At five P. M. we arrived at Alpine, and

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turned all the cattle over to the 2d Division, 14th Army Corps, except one hundred head, and went into camp, with left of our (1st) brigade resting in Alpine. The 2d Brigade went to foot of Lookout Mountain, four miles distant.

Saturday, October 22d. -- The 14th Army Corps started early to the front, with cattle and train. We did not move, but had orders to send out foraging parties. The valley abounded in corn, potatoes, and hogs, of which we gathered in a supply. Captain Patten, Sergeant-Major Joseph Garrett, Commissary Sergeant Hoskinson, John Rush, Captains Morgan and Kyger, took a stroll early on Sunday, October 23d, going up on the side of Lookout Mountain to hunt for chestnuts, bringing back only what they had eaten, at two P. M. No relics mentioned in this connection. The main part of our forces, charged with the business of keeping watch on Hood's movements, were reported as being thirteen miles south-west of Alpine, on Little River. We had no reports on this date (23d) respecting the whereabouts or doings of the rebel force.

All was quiet on Monday, October 24th. There was no news except a rumor that the 3d Brigade of our 2d Division would soon join us. Major Motherspaw and Lieutenant Presson, Company B, reported to the regiment for duty at four P. M.

Tuesday, October 25th, was a delightful day. We were on picket; had a quiet time. Our brigade commander, Colonel Opdycke, visited our station and told us of General Sheridan's victory of the 19th of October, in the Shenandoah Valley, which was welcome

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intelligence to us, both on account of the victory itself, and on account of the fresh laurels our old division commander was winning. General Bradley and his (3d) brigade passed our position on the way to join division. Among the number of acquaintances recognized as the 3d Brigade passed, were Captain J. S. Price and Adjutant W. H. Lamb, of the 79th Illinois; they were in hopeful spirits. We were relieved from picket at five P. M., by a detail from the 74th Illinois. Major Motherspaw, not having completed arrangements for quarters since his return from Illinois, slept the night of this date at head-quarters of Company C, with Kyger and the writer (W. H. Newlin). The major reported that Illinois was certain to cast her vote for Abraham Lincoln in the then approaching Presidential election. "Good for that; he is our man," was Captain Kyger's hearty ejaculation on hearing this prophecy.

All quiet on Wednesday, October 26th, except the skirmishing for hogs in the valley. The honey was not overlooked either, but was brought in, and helped make up our rather full and superior bill of fare. We were getting even now, by living at the opposite extreme of fare to that we had to put up with during the siege of Chattanooga. Our rations were abundant and of excellent quality.

It was raining on the morning of Friday, October 27th. It was expected our stay in the valley would be prolonged for several days, and there was an order issued requiring Captain Hatch to go to Chattanooga for our pay-rolls. At eleven A. M. the 1st and 3d Divisions of our corps were reported near us; report soon confirmed by the appearance of General Stanley

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at the head-quarters of our division. Then came another rumor that the whole corps would move, and report at Chattanooga as soon as practicable. Later, the various details, that had been out at different mills came in. As late as five P. M. we were still expecting orders to march, but the 1st and 3d Divisions passed by and went into camp for the night, a short distance to our rear. At eight P. M. orders came for us to get ready to move at ten A. M. of 28th.

The sky became clear and the weather cool by the morning of October 28th; there was a light frost. Orders to march at eight were received. We drew four days' rations and marched out at 8.30 A. M., our brigade in advance of division, 1st and 3d Divisions in advance of ours. We retraced the road we had just advanced over, and supposed we were going back to Chattanooga. We marched steadily all day, not halting for dinner. The road was in splendid condition, and we made good progress; marched twenty-four miles by six P. M., at which time we halted one-half mile south of Lafayette. The 4th Corps was all encamped near that point. At nine P. M. we received orders to march at six next morning.

All the men of the regiment were up by the time this order was received, and all were weary, too. Reveille sounded at four o'clock on the morning of October 29th -- Saturday. Had breakfast over by five o'clock, and a little later discovered there was a heavy frost. We started on the march at 6.15 A. M., the 73d in advance of the brigade. We marched steadily on until twelve o'clock noon; then halted fifteen minutes for dinner. While waiting, Captains Patten and Kyger applied for and received permission to go over the

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Chickamauga battle-field. We copy the entry in Kyger's diary which relates to this visit in full as we find it, as follows:

"We first went and recognized the point where we lay in line or battle over night of September 19, 1863. From there we went on the road leading to Widow Glenn's house, which we passed over before daylight of the 20th, and near this house we remained until 12 M. on that day; the house is still here, but uninhabited. Captains Ingersoll and Burroughs, Lieutenants Van Winkle and Bailey, Chaplain Jaquess, and several enlisted men joined our squad, and from there we took the road which went along to the field of battle, recognizing our old path; found the grounds on which we had halted before going into the charge; followed down the way we had gone. Here and there we found graves in the field, but without anything to show who had fallen and lay there in the little mound. On reaching the line on which we had halted and fought, the first grave we came to was Cox's, of Company K; head and foot board up to mark the spot, his name carved on head-board, and a portion of his knapsack lying near with his name still very legible on it. I went to the spot on which Company C fought, and at the very point, and near the pine-tree, where Art Terrell fell, there was another grave, with a half-barrel head up at the head and foot, no letters cut on them. I have not the least doubt but there is where Art lies. It is about five feet north of the pine-tree, and under the boughs of a little scrubby oak, which comes up at the root of the large tree and leans over the grave. There is a very small pine just at the edge of the grave, from which I took a bough, as a relic in memory of the brave boy who lies there. The large pine-tree had ten scars of bullets on it, nine on the reb. side. I cut out four of them with my hatchet; three from reb. side and one from Yankees', and cut a hickory shrub from the extreme right and a little to the rear of C's position, and an ash from off the edge of the ditch we retreated over, and in which so many sought shelter after being wounded. All these grounds looked quite natural. The only marked changes were the high weeds grown up in the field over which we passed, and the fence gone from around the field, burned. After being on the field three hours, we passed on to Rossville road, and followed up to the regiment; found it in camp at Rossville."

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The command bivouacked at Rossville at 4.30 P. M. The party that inspected the battle-field, arrived there just before dark. There were rumors in camp that we were going to Huntsville, Alabama. At eleven P. M. we received orders to march at six o'clock next morning; we were also advised that an officer from each company would be allowed to go on to Chattanooga for valises or other articles, as, from Chattanooga on, some little transportation would be furnished them; whereupon Lieutenants Van Winkle and Phelps, and Captain Kyger started to overtake a train that had gone to Chattanooga for rations. They failed to catch the train, and were obliged to go on foot the whole distance, arriving at the Georgia depot at 12.15 A. M., of October 30th, making for this squad a march of twenty-seven miles the day and night of 29th, while the regiment marched only twenty-one miles on 29th.

On the morning of October 30th, we marched to the foot of Lookout Mountain, and bivouacked just south of Chattanooga Creek. There were some indications that we would be paid off before leaving this point. The officers that went to Chattanooga during the preceding night returned to the regiment by 2.30 P. M. The pay-rolls were duly signed, and the paymaster was somewhere in the division, busy distributing funds. At 4.30 P. M., Major Motherspaw and Captain Kyger rode to town, attended to the business in hand, and returned. Notwithstanding the signing of pay-rolls and the presence of the paymaster with cash, it was evident that orders and our movement indicated that the whole 4th Corps would soon go to Huntsville, Alabama.

Monday morning, October 31st, orders for the corps train to go through to Bridgeport were received. The

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troops were to take the cars in the afternoon, or as soon as trains could he made up. The paymaster was engaged in the course of the day paying the 88th Illinois. In the afternoon Lieutenant Tilton and Captain Kyger went to Chattanooga, to attend to some small but necessary errands for the regiment, but returned at five P. M.

After sunset, Tilton, Kyger, and the writer went to Chattanooga, and attended the Bishop show, first getting a "square meal" at a restaurant; arrived at the bivouac at 10.15 P. M. The 3d Brigade was moving to the cars at 10.30, the 2d Brigade having moved at ten P. M., leaving our brigade behind to bring up the rear of corps.

We were up at daylight on Tuesday, November 1st, with orders to march promptly at eight o'clock. Started on time; went directly to Chattanooga depot, and halted until 11.15 A. M. when our brigade got aboard the cars (two trains) and moved out immediately on Nashville Railroad. We reached Stevenson, Alabama, at three P. M., remained there one-half hour; then our train moved out on railroad toward Memphis, Tennessee, and just at dark arrived at Larkinsville, Alabama. Between Stevenson and this point the country was swampy and flat the greater part of the way. It was thought our car-ride would end on reaching Athens; at least we were so notified.

We moved on, leaving Larkinsville in our rear, and daylight of November 2d found us at a "stand-still," within three-quarters of a mile of Athens. We got out of the cars, and orders were received at 6.30 to be ready to march at eight A. M. Rain had commenced falling early in the morning, and by the time we started the road was very muddy and slippery. We pushed

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ahead, however, and at nine A. M. were halted in the court-house yard, to draw one day's rations and sixty rounds of ammunition for each man; the more ammunition the less rations. The garrison at Athens surrendered to Forrest when on his mid some six weeks before this date. Forrest burned two block houses, and destroyed a train of cars at same time. Before the war Athens had been a rather nice county town, but at this date was considerably disfigured and defaced. The courthouse and three other large brick buildings near the square had been burned at different times, each side or party having had a hand in the burning. From Athens to Pulaski, the railroad track and bridges had been destroyed by rebel raiders. On starting out from the court-house grounds, the 73d marched in rear of the division; the 1st and 3d Divisions had gone on ahead of ours. At 4.30 P. M. we halted, with orders to stop for the night, only three miles north of Athens. We left town at two P. M., but the rain continuing, made the road very muddy and marching exceedingly slavish and wearisome. The creeks and branches were all "bank full," and rain still coming down.

Thursday morning, November 3d, it was the same; rain falling as though it was going to be an all-day job raining. We remained quietly in bivouac, and shortly after "hard-tack" and coffee had been dispensed, we got orders to await further orders. The general impression was that we could not cross Elk River, and would have to go back to Athens, remount the cars, and go to Stevenson and from thence to Nashville. The rain continued, but nevertheless we got orders at 11.45 A. M. to dispatch dinner and be ready to march. We moved at two P. M. over a road almost wholly

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submerged in water. But what of that? Our feet, socks, and shoes were in such plight that we had just as well walk or wade in one place as another. It was all "of a whatness;" our feet were soaked anyhow. We plodded along until dark, and then went into camp, after dragging ourselves about ten miles. In going through the country on this day, we passed only two farms. The surface was level and the soil very thin in the region of country where farms were few, and where oak, hickory, and chestnut timber abounded.

Next morning, November 4th, the weather was much cooler; a high wind prevailed, but the rain was still "drizzling" down. At eight A. M. we started out again in rear of the division and of the artillery, reached Elk River by eleven A. M., and halted for dinner and to give the train time to cross over. At 1.30 P. M. our brigade marched to the river, and began taking off clothes preparatory to wading the stream. Pants, drawers, shoes, and socks were taken off; shoes, however, were put on again. The clothing thus taken off was bundled up, and carried on our guns and swords across our shoulders, to keep them high and dry. On taking the water we found it quite cold and "crotch-deep." Near north bank, and just to the left of the road, stood General Harney's house. Before leaving the river, however, we got on our clothing. Harney's house was a large log structure, dilapidated in appearance, and untenanted. We crossed the river at "Harney's Ford." Nearly opposite Harney's house we struck the pike leading to Pulaski, fifteen miles distant. As soon as we got up to the higher ground "second bottom," we arrived at a small town -- Elkton -- which, at one time before the war, had been quite a business point,

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but was almost deserted on this date. We halted at the outskirts of Elkton until the 2d and 3d Brigades and the artillery had passed on. Then our brigade moved, at precisely two P. M., and at seven P. M. we went into camp on Buchanan Creek, after marching eleven miles during the day. Marching along the pike, we passed several nice-looking residences on good farms; but improvements were all in bad condition, in need of repairs, and the fences had been burned by the soldiers. The country was much better drained naturally, and more rolling than the country south of Elk River.

Saturday morning, November 5th, there was a white frost and ice one-sixteenth of an inch thick. All having breakfasted and being otherwise ready, we marched at seven A. M., and arrived at Pulaski at nine, after a four-mile jaunt. Pulaski, the county-seat of Giles County, Tennessee, was a small town. The courthouse was a substantial, two-story brick building, and presented an attractive appearance. While passing through the town we learned our cavalry had been engaged with the advance of Hood's army on the 4th, at a point about fifteen miles south-west. There were no particulars of the fight ascertained, except that Hood was attempting to cross a creek, but was prevented for the time. We moved out one mile north of Pulaski, joined the division and corps, and went into camp at four P. M. At time of going into camp, cannonading could be heard in the distance, off in a south-western direction. The paymaster was on hand, but did no business in his line with the 73d.

Weather cold on Sunday morning, November 6th; a strong wind was blowing, accompanied by a little rain. Our camp being on a high ridge, we had no

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protection from the storm by way of breaking its force. On the night of the 5th we received orders for one-half the force, not doing picket duty, to be sent each day to work on fortifications. The 73d had no detail for any kind of duty on this date, as it was expected the regiment would be paid off in the afternoon. This expectation was not realized. A large mail was received at one P. M. at two P. M. orders to move camp were received, and we moved immediately to the south-eastern suburbs of town. It was intimated that we might remain at this point several days, and we were instructed to lay off camp in order. The grounds and location were well suited to the purposes of camp-living. There were no tidings concerning Hood's movements. Quarters were arranged temporarily for the night; more attention and pains were to be bestowed in this line next day. It was raining at 8.30 P. M., and at about the same time orders came detailing the 73d for fatigue duty on Monday, November 7th. The town and military or strategic position were being pretty well fortified. The rain continued falling nearly the whole night. Our "purp" tents did not keep us dry; the rain beat through them.

At seven A.M. Monday, the regiment went to work on the fortifications. Captain Kyger did not accompany the regiment, but remained in camp to rehabilitate and rearrange his head-quarters. At night they were complete, having floor, door, and bunk. The regiment returned from fatigue duty at dark. There were no orders, no report as to the whereabouts or doings of the main rebel force at the close of the day. It was said the 23d Corps was on its way to this point. This statement proved to be correct.

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Tuesday, November 8, 1864, the rain came down in regular Presidential-election-day style. The regiment was paid up to and including August 31, 1864, by Major Elias Cosper. After being paid we worked on the breastworks, relieving the 24th Wisconsin, so the men of that regiment could vote. The 73d took a vote in the evening, not to be counted at home in Illinois, of course; that was not permitted by the then dominant party in the Legislature of our State, but just to see how we stood. Out of two hundred and thirty-six voters present, two hundred and eleven voted for Lincoln and Johnson and seven for McClellan and Pendleton, eighteen not voting. There were twenty-seven men present in Company C; twenty voted for Lincoln, two for McClellan, and five neutral. The vote was counted as cast. Owing to the storm -- rain was just pouring down -- we failed to obtain results in other regiments. The ground was flooded with water.

November 9th, the storm continued; high winds prevailed all day. Everything was at a stand-still; all quiet. The bridges were down between Pulaski and Nashville, so we had no mail or other news. Rain had ceased falling before night-fall; the clouds cleared away, the winds became calm, and a white frost was visible on the morning of Thursday, November 10th. A detail from the regiment went out foraging on this date, and returned to camp after dark. It was rumored in camp that McClellan had carried two States in the election of November 8th, to-wit: Kentucky and New Jersey; all the remaining States voting for Abraham Lincoln. There were no trains, so far, through from Nashville.

The weather was delightful, all we could wish for,

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on November 11th. Dunn, the regimental sutler -- who, of course, would be on hand when we were paid off -- and Captain Kyger took a stroll, going to the railroad depot, and over town, to see what they might, and to glean whatever news was going. All they got was a report that Delaware, too, had gone for McClellan, but that did not change the general result; Lincoln was elected beyond doubt, and we turned into our bunks thoroughly satisfied.

Saturday, November 12th, was a beautiful day. A detail of thirty privates, three corporals, and one sergeant, all from the 73d, went out on picket in charge of Captain Kyger, and relieved a similar detail from the 44th Illinois. The duty, however was not all picket duty; provost duty at a contraband camp employed the time and engaged the attention of a portion of the detail. All was quiet along our lines. No mail was received, or other news, on this date. One or more men, who had been home on furlough to vote, reported back to the regiment for duty. Our corps train began to come in, having been delayed by bad roads.

It was very frosty on Sunday morning, November 13th; the ground was as white as if covered with a "skift" of snow. When the sunlight began to gleam over the white, frosted surface of the earth, the sight was exceedingly beautiful to look upon. The birds were singing sweetly and cheerily, there was a gentle breeze, and the quiet which prevailed was appropriate to the day. That portion of the regiment on picket was relieved at nine A. M. by a detail from the 74th Illinois in charge of a lieutenant. A railroad train came through from Nashville, bringing a heavy mail, the first received since 6th inst. The later election

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news was all cheering; there were Union gains in all the States. The "ultimatum" obtained from Jefferson Davis, at Richmond, through the visit and conference of Colonel Jaquess, of the 73d, to and with the recognized head and leader of the Rebellion, and the publishing and spreading abroad of the said "ultimatum," all through the loyal States, contributed largely to this glorious result of the Presidential election of 1864. Far-sighted Colonel Jaquess, cool, calculating, and courteous Colonel Jaquess, had drawn from the overconfident, unsuspecting Jefferson Davis his "ultimatum." Knowledge of this "ultimatum," on the part of the mass of voters North, knocked the underpinning from under the arguments of the "Peace Party." We can now feel partly compensated for the denial to us of the privilege of voting for Abraham Lincoln that year.

Monday, November 14th. -- No telegraphic dispatches, and no news of interest to be gleaned from the newspapers. There were indications of rain, which came next day, November 15th. On this date a mail was received, but no news of an interesting or an exciting kind, as was expected. Clothing was issued.

On Wednesday, November 16th, it was beginning to be believed by some that we would spend the winter at Pulaski. We had already remained there a longer time than had been expected when we stopped. Considerable sums of money were sent from the regiment to Illinois on this date. Sixteen hundred and fifty-three dollars were sent by different members of Company C to Josiah Thompson, Georgetown, Illinois, to be disbursed. More money had better been sent, as "chuck-luck" was getting to be "all the rage,"

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and the camp of the regiment, once known as the "Preacher Regiment," was resorted to by scores of soldiers of other regiments, who started and run banks in which the 73d boys had no hand. No, of course not -- except occasionally to make a venture to test their nerves or luck. We had a report on this date that General Sherman had cut loose from Atlanta, and started on a raid that is now known, and sung, as "marching through Georgia." No mail was received on this date, owing to the carelessness or neglect of the mail-boy.

Raining on Thursday, November 17th, and very unpleasant weather prevailed. There were no changes; all quiet. We had a confirmation of the report of preceding day respecting Sherman's movement. Great results were expected to follow. General Sherman had with him the 14th Corps, the Army of the Tennessee, and Kilpatrick's cavalry.

November 18th, Friday, still it rained. The roads were muddy; mud everywhere, and shoe-mouth deep in our streets in camp between the rows of tents. "Chuck-luck" and other gambling devices were pretty nearly broken up -- got a very black eye -- on this date, by an order issued from brigade head-quarters to arrest all who could be caught playing, encouraging, or patronizing these games. Several arrests were made, and the parties were taken to head-quarters and reprimanded severely, and told that they would surely be punished if the offense was repeated. We had no news concerning Hood's army.

Saturday, 19th. -- Rained at intervals during the day, and indications of fair weather appeared. No changes

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or incidents to note. We had a report that Hood's force had left Shoal Creek; but for what point, or in what direction he moved, the report did not state.

The weather was much cooler on the 20th, Sunday. There was no rain, but the sky was still cloudy. Captain Kyger and the writer went to look through the cemetery. On reaching it we found Lieutenant Wolgermuth there on the same errand. There were some nice, costly, and antiquated monuments and tombstones in the cemetery, and some vaults, or receptacles, in which remains were deposited, not temporarily, but permanently, above the surface. At five P. M. orders came requiring us to be ready to march at nine A. M. next day; to take everything along, with three days' rations in haversacks, and forty rounds of ammunition to the man. It was further ordered not to strike tents until instructed to do so from division head-quarters -- General Wagner. One wagon was allowed to each regiment, and three to brigade head-quarters. The immediate occasion for our marching was the threatening movements of Forrest's cavalry, which, of course, would be promptly supplemented by Hood's infantry force. As to the direction taken, by Forrest, we were not apprised; that would probably be revealed later on. Letters were written home and much work done late in the night, preparatory to the expected movement.

Monday, November 21st, weather very cool; a strong wind was blowing. At 8.30 A. M. snow was falling, the first of the season. No further orders about our moving were received on this date; on the contrary, we were notified at noon that we would not march. There was much interest, and some anxiety,

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felt about the safety of a forage-train that went out from our division on the 20th, Sunday, and had not reported up to noon of this date. At 10.30 A. M. snow was still falling; a north wind blowing; freezing a little. Snow kept sifting down all the afternoon. At sunset there was enough snow on the ground to completely cover or conceal it. No orders as to moving, but it was thought we would start next morning. We heard nothing further about Forrest's demonstration.

We were awakened at 5.30 on the morning of November 22d by the sergeant-major, Joseph M. Garrett, who had marching orders for eight A. M. We were all up very soon, and busy with preparations, breakfast and other details. Sky clear and the weather cold. Ice three-fourths of an inch in thickness was frozen in a wash-pan. The ground was frozen sufficiently hard to make a rough surface to march over. All ready to march at eight, but we did not get off till 8.30 A. M. A division of the 23d Corps moved out first, then our division followed, our brigade in front, 2d and 3d in order. We did not know, at the time of starting, whether the movement was to be general or not. There seemed to be much difficulty in getting at the exact state of affairs. It was conceded all around, that something was "in the wind," and that there would be some developments soon. We marched through town, and moved on the pike toward Nashville, in nearly a due northward course, up the valley of Richland Creek, a tributary to Elk River. At four P. M. we arrived at the village of Linnville, twelve miles from Pulaski and sixty-six from Nashville. There were conflicting rumors as to our destination, and an impression that the enemy's movements had much to do with it. The

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weather became disagreeably chilly, the sky was overcast with clouds, and snow and frost filled the air; the wind was blowing a stiff gale from the north at the time of our halting in a grove. At nine P. M. the sky was clear, and the wind had ceased to blow. We had numerous bright and glowing fires in our camp. The little village of Linnville had been almost wholly burned by Colonel Harmon, of the 125th Illinois, in 1863, in retaliation on hateful sympathizers with the rebels, for their spiteful treatment of Union soldiers. But very few houses escaped being burned.

The morning of Wednesday, November 23d, was bright and cold, with promise of a pleasant day. At ten A. M. orders to be ready to march on thirty minutes' notice were received. We rested quite comfortably. There was no news, and no indication as to the point or points we were going to move upon. At four P. M. orders came requiring us to march immediately. We got ready to move and a part of the brigade started on the way and then returned to camp. It was reported that Hood's force was moving on a parallel road to the pike leading from Pulaski to Columbia, and on to Nashville, and about fifteen miles west of the pike. The force was said to be fully forty thousand strong, and heading toward Nashville. If these reports were true we could not, as we did not, much longer remain inactive. At five P. M. we moved to the north side of the village, and went into camp on a hill-side. By dark the other two divisions and all the 4th Corps train was at, or near, Linnville. Pulaski was evacuated by our forces early in the day. The indications were, and a belief was expressed on the part of many, that we would fall back to Duck Creek, and possibly to Nashville

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before we would make a stand against forty thousand rebels, a force more than double ours. We received no mail on this date; the weather was cool, and a high wind prevailed. General Schofield, with one division of his corps -- 23d -- came up and joined us late in the evening; the other division of this corps was at Johnsonville.

We were up at two o'clock on the morning of November 24th, to be ready to march at four o'clock. At 3.30 A. M. we got orders to march immediately, and our brigade moved out to the pike and halted; remained there one-half hour, when it was ordered that the 73d would be the rear guard for the corps train. We returned to our camp, and waited for the rear of the train to come up, which was at nine A. M. The 73d then took up its line of march and followed on. Such a sight as we witnessed on this date we had never before beheld. As our army fell back from Pulaski, the negroes abandoned their hovels, taking along such things as they could carry on their heads and in their hands. Old and crippled men and women hobbled along with their loads in the rear of our forces. Mothers carried babes in addition to other burdens. Small children followed along, many of them barefooted and partly clothed in rags. Occasionally we would see some "Dinah" mounted on a mule, with a small child before or behind her, or one before and another behind. Some white people, too, trudged along at the road-side with the negroes. Wagons, buggies, and carts, with mules, horses, and oxen hitched to them, drawing loads of plunder and refugees, helped make up the motley mass and complete the picture. We learned that a number of houses were burned at Pulaski very

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soon after our force evacuated that town. We reached Columbia on this date, and were joined by a number of men of the regiment who had returned from Illinois; they had been home on furlough. Among them were Claib Madden and William Martin, of Company C.

The work of the committee appointed by our Regimental Reunion Association to collect and arrange evidence showing the part taken by the 73d in the campaign, from Columbia to Spring Hill, and from thence to Franklin and Nashville, covers a period of only eight days, from November 24th to December 1st, 1864, both inclusive. It may seem an unwise or unjust division of space to allot an entire chapter, and that not a short one, to the history of the events of these eight days. We have, however, made such division, and the next chapter shows the work or the result of the labor and investigation by the committee named above nearly in full.

More evidence was received by the committee than is shown in the next chapter. Very few, if any, of the statements received are incorporated in full, while one or two were either lost, or else destroyed under the impression that they had been incorporated with the others. These statements, being in the nature of evidence, to prove certain facts, occasion more or less repetition in the succeeding chapter. But that is to be expected, and allowed, where testimony from several witnesses touching the same facts is recorded. The two leading facts established and made to appear prominent by this testimony are : First, that the 73d Illinois Infantry was in the advance November 29, 1864, when General Schofield's forces were falling back, making the race with the Confederate forces to Spring Hill; and, second,

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that the 73d Illinois was in the rear next day, and as one of the regiments of Colonel Emerson Opdycke's brigade, assisted in covering the retreat of the Union army from Spring Hill to Franklin. We need not have mentioned these two facts, as they are made to appear, are developed fully, by the testimony, except for the purpose of stating that both have been questioned, disputed, or denied.

For years there has been controversy in magazine and newspaper articles as to whose or what command covered the retreat or acted as "rear guard" of the army on November 30, 1864, as it fell back to Harpeth's Creek. Some writers, while admitting that Opdycke's brigade performed that important service, did not recognize the fact that the 73d was a part of that brigade. The authors of the several sketches of the 36th, 44th, 74th, and 88th Illinois Regiments, as they appear in the Revised Reports of the adjutant-general of Illinois, which regiments were in Opdycke's brigade, omit any mention of the 73d Illinois in connection with the retreat to Franklin and the battle there. The history of the 36th Illinois, a volume of six hundred pages, more or less, makes the same omission in the same connection. Probably it was thought the 73d would some time make a record of its doings in this Columbia-Nashville campaign. This is what is sought to be accomplished in the succeeding chapter.

In the movement from Duck River, November 29th, the 73d performed a part in which it was not assisted by another regiment. Companies A, F, D, and I, under orders, carefully though verbally given, pushed forward rapidly and reached the northern outskirts of Spring Hill just in time to make choice of positions and get

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the drop" on the van of Forrest's cavalry which had striven hard to get there first. The left wing of the regiment and Company C had deployed and hurriedly advanced, first as flankers, later as skirmishers, and were thus enabled to "put in an appearance" just at the right time and place to withstand a dash of the enemy's cavalry, which possibly would have cut off or overrun the four companies had they not been promptly seconded and supported. The time and vantage-ground, in this manner gained and maintained, was improved by General Wagner, who, with his staff, had hastened forward on hearing the noise of our rapid and sharp firing, and by Colonel Opdycke in bringing up the remainder of our brigade, soon to be followed by the remainder of the division and corps, and so repelling and checking and keeping off the constantly augmenting force of the enemy until darkness came to our relief. Though, as it turned out, this duty did not prove so extra hazardous as it might for the 73d, had the 73d arrived on the ground a little later, or Forrest's cavalry a little earlier, yet it was an important duty, one in which great risk and responsibility had to be assumed. By performing here a service which ordinarily would have been assigned to cavalry, we claim the 73d has an especial and an exclusive distinction and has a history peculiarly and distinctively its own; the value and importance of the service rendered being measured by the seriousness of the disaster which would certainly have overtaken our forces on that November afternoon, had that service not been performed in the time and manner and at the place it was performed.

We are not saying some other regiment might not have done the work as well, or even better than the 73d.

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The 73d might have done the work better or not so well, had it known beforehand the nature of the work. But our regiment got the contract, and did the work according to orders, and that is just what we are talking or writing about, and seeking to lay stress upon and make appear prominently, since all writers and historians, up to this time, have either willfully omitted to mention the facts, or were not posted on them.

In our examination of General Cox's history of this campaign, we fail to find as good cause for complaint as Captain Patten's letter would seem to indicate. General Cox concedes that Opdycke's brigade covered the retreat to Franklin, but does not specify what regiments were in that brigade.

Other histories -- nearly all the general histories -- fail to do this. Of the operations of Opdycke's brigade on November 29th, General Cox has said but little, and in saying that, he attributes or credits the work the 73d Illinois and Opdycke's brigade did, to the 4th Corps, or to General Stanley, which, if not primarily, is generally correct, as our brigade was in that corps and General Stanley was our corps commander. But when the two racing or competing armies were moving rapidly, and the points of contact between them necessarily precluded operations by a corps or division, or by a brigade even, the particular brigade or regiment that did operate might in justice have been mentioned.

As to the battle of Franklin, as shown up in General Cox's account of it, the chief fault we would find, if any, the chief criticism we would make of his account, is the attempt to exonerate the 23d Corps from all blame and responsibility in connection with the breach that was made in our main line on the pike near the Carter

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house, and impliedly if not directly shifting it on to the 4th Corps. Much blame has been heaped on General Wagner for leaving two brigades, Lane's and Conrad's out in front too long. Wagner probably placed those brigades there in obedience to orders from somebody. General Cox claims he was charged with the duty of assigning the troops to position as they came up. If so, then he must have had something to do in placing those brigades out there. It is alleged Wagner was ordered to bring them in. It was doubtless Wagner's intention to obey that order as soon as he had accomplished or fulfilled the purposes in view, when those brigades were placed in position. Those purposes were presumably to wait until Opdycke's brigade got in; to watch the movements of the rebels as they came next, Opdycke's brigade having skirmished with them all the way from Spring Hill; to report those movements, and, if attacked by the rebels, to offer some resistance to their advance, fall back gradually and in order to our main line, firing as they did so.

Wagner saw the enemy's movements, observed his preparations, and wanted to see more of them. He was probably warned in time to obey that order, but feeling or knowing that the time to begin the execution of that order was left to his judgment or discretion, and not wishing to obey it prematurely, and little thinking the rebels would suddenly sweep up en masse, in a mad, wild, and impetuous rush, and overwhelm his two brigades, he neglected to obey until it was too late. He made a mistake, and tailed to make a right use of the discretion with which he was invested.

The best of generals made mistakes, errors of

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judgment, and it was impossible for Wagner to anticipate or certainly foresee what plan or movement the enemy would attempt to execute. Hood having neglected to improve his opportunity for cutting our army in twain the night of the 29th, may have led Wagner to expect nothing was to be attempted now that his two brigades could not at least temporarily check; but he soon found he had misconceived the intent and purpose, as well as the animus, of the enemy; for very great was the disappointment of the rebel soldiers when they found we had slipped from their clutches at Spring Hill. At Franklin they were to regain what they had frittered away and lost, or fare worse.

Well, our brigade -- Opdycke's -- finally got in, just how and when will sufficiently appear in the following chapter. The 2d and 3d Brigades -- Lane's and Conrad's -- of our division were overwhelmed in front and on both flanks by the heavy masses of the enemy, as he rushed confidently and defiantly forward. With the exception of the killed, wounded, and captured, the two brigades named fled with all possible dispatch from their advanced position to our main line of defense, and were closely followed by the rebel infantry and artillery. The men of these two brigades and their pursuers reached the line of works occupied by Ruger's division of the 23d Corps nearly at the same time. Not wishing to kill or wound their friends, the men occupying that part of the line could not fire on the enemy, but withheld their fire, and the rebels that followed Lane's and Conrad's brigades in clambered over our works; whereupon two or more regiments of Ruger's men, instead of devoting themselves to the business of capturing the enemy, broke and fled. The gap thus made

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in our line was being pushed into by the rebels as rapidly as possible, and just as soon as they could reach it. Neither the Union nor rebel troops at this point could deliver fire at the time, or immediately after the troops in the main line gave way, for the reason that each would inflict damage on their friends. There was considerable firing, however, notwithstanding the mixed and tangled condition of affairs.

It must have been as late as 2.45 P. M. when our brigade halted in reserve behind Carter's Hill. Not all of the 73d had finished dinner, when the meeting and clashing of hostile forces warned us that the necessities of the occasion, as well as our own safety, demanded prompt and decisive action. The breach that had been opened through our line by the fleeing from their posts of duty of the regiments of the 23d Corps on either side of the pike, we knew, must be filled, and our line restored, or an overwhelming and crushing disaster would be upon us. In such an emergency as was presented, a moment of time was of too great value to be lost, and the whole of Opdycke's brigade, the 73d anyhow, instinctively sprang for the stacked arms, and waiting but a moment and vainly for orders, except from Major Motherspaw, started forward on a double-quick charge, with bayonets fixed. Fences and other obstructions were either torn away, trampled upon, or in some way evaded and left behind.

Regardless of the fleeing and panic-stricken fugitives of whatever brigade or division of our own men, but compelling rebels to surrender or be knocked down and killed, we forced our way to that point in the line of breastworks which had been deserted by our forces and was being taken possession of by the enemy. Immediately

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behind those works we knew was the safest place for us, and the best place from which to deal destruction to our adversaries, and to protect the flanks of the troops that had remained firmly at their posts on either side of the gap. Our line was restored and was further manned and strengthened by the rallying to the fight again of hundreds of the men of Lane's and Conrad's brigades, also of Reilly's and Strickland's. For fully twenty minutes a contest without a parallel, a contest undescribed, and never to be described accurately or portrayed fully, had been going on. To maintain and widen that breach in our line, and destroy or capture our army, was the purpose of the enemy; for pending that contest the fate of our army all south of the Harpeth River hung on the issue thereof. To close that breach, restore the line, and save the army, was the purpose and mission of Opdycke's brigade.

In accomplishing this mission we hazard little in saying that the 73d was first at the breach, and among the very last to leave it. On arriving at the point from whence our forces had retreated, and being re-enforced as indicated, there were too many troops to operate to advantage and all be protected by the slight works. All were either lying on the ground or standing in a low stooping posture, and there were pieces of artillery distributed at intervals among the busily working men. Immediately at the works was a strong line of men with scarcely elbow-room, who did nothing but fire; the pieces being loaded rapidly and passed forward by men a little farther to the rear, who received and reloaded the empty pieces and again passed them to the front line. There were several tiers of men who were busy, either loading guns or cleaning them; breaking

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open ammunition-boxes, distributing cartridges, carrying ammunition for both infantry and artillery from a point where left by ammunition-wagons, and helping to work the artillery. The enemy's attack was persistent, fierce, and determined, and evinced a purpose to overrun and crush and destroy us. He was stung to desperation by the sudden turning of the scales in this important battle. He charged, and CHARGED again and AGAIN, carrying his reckless assaults right up to -- yes, on -- our slight works to the very muzzles of our guns. But we were there to stay, at least until we got ready to walk off quietly and in order. Our troops had reduced the system or machinery of defense to almost perfection; there being work for all, and, all WORKING, there was a full half hour of desperate fighting, perhaps equaled at some time and place, but scarcely ever, if ever, surpassed. During these fearful minutes, as a result of combined, sturdy, heroic effort on the part of all our troops from end to end of our line, the small arms volleyed; there was no determining of intervals between volleys; they were as one. The cannon thundered, the shell shrieked, the smoke rolled, the earth seemed to tremble, and the heroic, reckless, desperate enemy surged, and surged, and SURGED again and again, right up to our line, and recoiled as often, recoiling last before the merciless tempest of death.

Darkness came on, and shrouded the scene; there was a lull in the fight, a great calm after a great storm. Many of our soldiers had been slain; but for each one, from three to five of the rebels had bitten the dust. Very many on both sides were wounded; the few mortally, the many slightly. Did those who had not finished dinner, now finish it? No. Was supper prepared?

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No. Was there time for coffee? Not much. The foe, threatening and defiant, was right there within sixty feet, waiting to pounce upon us. Guns were put in order, ammunition in abundance was got ready at hand, and all precautions taken. Nor had we long to wait until the first night assault was made; right up to our works they charged, coming within the space measured by the flashes from our rifles. But before our galling fire the enemy quailed and fell back. Our fire slackened some; but within an hour, two or more assaults were made with like result.

After the last assault we kept up a heavy fire for some minutes until some person, some officer perhaps, between the lines, but nearest ours, yelled out, "Cease firing; CEASE FIRING!" repeating the command several times. Amid the smoke and darkness it could not be told who or what he was, whether Union or rebel. In a few minutes the firing did in a great measure cease; later it ceased almost entirely. At the same time a burning building in the suburbs of Franklin fell in, making a great light, by which we saw several, as many as a dozen, standards rise along the enemy's line. He was preparing, no doubt, to make a last desperate effort to break our front. Brisk firing immediately reopened along our front, increasing in volume and ceasing not until every battle-flag on the enemy's front was laid low. This ended the contest; quiet succeeded, and by midnight our weary forces had withdrawn from the field, crossed the Harpeth, and were slowly wending their way to Nashville.

The loss sustained in the battle by the 73d was nine killed, and two wounded, who died soon afterward, making eleven in all, and there were fully that number

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wounded. In the four other Illinois regiments of our brigade the losses were approximately as follows: 36th, seven killed and six wounded; 44th, five killed and seven wounded and missing; 74th, none killed and five wounded; 88th, two killed, seven wounded, and six missing. As to the other two regiments of the brigade, the 24th Wisconsin and the 125th Ohio, we have no source of information to refer to for their losses. Fully one-half the losses sustained by our army at Franklin fell on our (2d) division of the 4th Corps. Five-sevenths of our brigade being Illinoisians, we take pride in dwelling at unusual length and with particularity on this campaign from Duck River to Nashville. General D. S. Stanley, referring to the breach made in our line of works at the Columbia Pike, and of the counter-charge by Opdycke's brigade, said: "The moment was critical beyond any I have known in any battle."

Describing the retreat to Nashville, General Stanley said:

"Our men were more exhausted physically than I have ever seen on any other occasion. From November 23d, when we left Pulaski, until arriving at Nashville, we had been constantly in the immediate presence of an enemy we knew to be vastly superior in numbers, closely watching to attack us at disadvantage. With us, both mind and body were kept at full stretch, and it was only by night marches and the constant use of intrenchments that we could hope to save ourselves. Many of our men were overtaxed and broke down, unable to travel any longer. They fell into the hands of the enemy. On two occasions the enemy was very near attaining the advantage he sought of us. The first was when Cox drove back his advance just about entering Columbia. The second and greatest escape for us was at Spring Hill, when, with a whole corps in line of battle, the left of the line within six hundred yards of the road, they allowed all our army except Wagner's

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division, which had fought them during the day, to pass them with impunity during the night."

With this we close this chapter, already much too long, and trespassing on the ground allotted to the next.

NOTE. -- Eddy's "Patriotism of Illinois," page 319, second volume, speaking of the 74th and 88th Illinois regiments, says: "At Franklin, when the enemy broke our lines, these two regiments charged forward and saved the day."

On page 222, of same volume, we find these words respecting the 44th Illinois in the same connection: "It then joined in the pursuit of Hood through Tennessee, participating in the battle of Franklin, where it showed great gallantry."

Of the 88th alone we find these words, on page 72, same volume: "After the skirmish at Spring Hill, it fought in the battle of Franklin, which made the victory at Nashville, in which the 88th bore a part, only the more easy."

Concerning the 73d, we find, on page 605, same volume, these words: "Our regiment was in Opdycke's brigade, which saved the day at Franklin, Tennessee, just before the last siege of Nashville."

And again on pages 211 and 212, same volume, we find this additional mention of the 74th and 88th: "The gallant 74th Regiment shared with the 88th the honor of saving the day at Franklin....The same meed of praise which was awarded the 88th was given to the 74th."

On page 210 of the volume referred to, the claim is made that the 88th Illinois led in the charge made at Franklin by Opdycke's brigade. The claim is in these words: "Almost instantly their brigade was on the charge, the consolidated 88th leading and clearing the way."

By the above it was meant that the 74th and 88th were consolidated. We make no comment on these extracts. We refer to the comparative losses of the 36th, 44th, 73d, 74th, and 88th sustained at Franklin, as shown on page 406 of this book, merely repeating that in all the sketches and histories of the four Illinois regiments, other than our own, that were in Opdycke's brigade, we find no reference to the 73d. We still think, however, the 73d was in Opkycke's brigade, and also in the battle of Franklin. We know it.

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Chapter VI.

THE HOOD CAMPAIGN, FROM NOVEMBER 23 TO 30, 1864 -- URGENT BUSINESS REQUIRES OUR WHOLE TIME AND ATTENTION -- VIEWS OF A NUMBER OF COMRADES TOUCHING THE MOVEMENT FROM DUCK RIVER -- SPRING HILL -- FRANKLIN -- WEARY, EXHAUSTED SOLDIERS -- FATIGUING MARCH.

THE 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, at the time of the Hood Campaign in Tennessee in the fall of 1864, was made up, of the following named regiments, to-wit: The 36th, 44th, 73d, 74th, and 88th Illinois, and the 24th Wisconsin, and the 125th Ohio.

The following is substantially a copy of a circular letter, prepared and sent out by Captain George W. Patten, of the 73d Illinois Infantry Volunteers. It fully foreshadows the subject matter, scope, and purpose of the present chapter. It reads:

"DEAR SIR AND COMRADE, -- The society known as ‘Sheridan's Division of the Army of the Cumberland,’ at its meeting in Columbus, Ohio, September, 1888, decided to make a strong effort to correct the errors in the so-called history of the battle of Franklin, Tennessee, written by General J. D. Cox. This account of the battle does great injustice to Sheridan's division, and especially to Opdycke's brigade, to which the 73d Illinois belonged. At its reunion, at Decatur, Illinois, October 8, 1888, the association of survivors of the 73d named as a committee Lieutenant W. H. Newlin and Captains E. J. Ingersoll, J. L. Morgan, and G. W. Patten, to collect evidence and arrange a full account of the part taken in that battle by the noble old 73d. The committee are desirous of making a complete history of the part taken by the regiment, from the time it arrived at Columbia, Tennessee, until

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it reached Nashville after the terrible battle of Franklin, and in this we ask your assistance. It is asserted, by those who ought to know, that the 73d was neither in the advance from Columbia to Spring Hill, nor in the rear from Spring Hill to Franklin.

"In order that positive evidence may be secured upon the points in dispute, we send you a few questions on another sheet, which we desire you to answer on the same sheet, and return to the committee, with as much other account of the battle and march as you are able to remember or can otherwise obtain. Note any little incidents that occurred during the time that were not generally known; in short, tell your old comrades anything in the line of fact you think might interest them. By giving this matter your earnest and immediate attention, and sending an early reply, you will greatly oblige and assist the committee in its work, and aid in giving to the world a history of the most wonderful of the numerous campaigns of Sheridan's old division, a more accurate history than can be obtained in any other manner.

"Yours very truly, ---------."

This circular letter was signed by one of the committee named, or by one of the members of the 73d Reunion Association, and, accompanied by a list of questions, was sent out by mail, a copy to each one of a number of survivors of the regiment. A copy of same, and a list of questions, was also sent to each of a number of survivors of the other regiments of Opdycke's brigade.

The questions bearing directly on the points in controversy appear herein, in connection with the answers to the same.

Tilmon D. Kyger, captain of Company C, 73d Illinois Volunteers, died in February, 1876, leaving behind him a very full and correct memoranda of the principal events in his personal experience as a soldier, during three years' service. The captain's widow, Mrs. Lizzie E. Kyger, has very kindly accorded us the privilege of consulting her husband's memoranda, and we find therein

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substantially these answers to the questions propounded and sent out as stated. We copy each question, and, in answer, make exact copy from the captain's memoranda:

"1st Question. When did your company arrive at Columbia, Tennessee?

"Bivouac one-half mile north of Linnville, Tennessee, Thursday, November 24, 1864. -- Up at two o'clock this morning, to march at four; hasty orders came to march immediately. Half past three o clock moved out to the pike and halted; remained there one-half hour, when orders came that the 73d would be rear guard to corps train. We went back to our old bivouac and waited until nine A. M. for rear of train to come up, when we fell in, leaving only the train for the cavalry behind....We marched quite steadily, arriving at Columbia at 4.30 o'clock P. M., meeting no resistance from rebel cavalry....We bivouacked in the southern suburbs of town, near the ruins of the Jackson Institute."

2d Ques. How long did you remain there?

"Columbia, Tennessee, November 27, 1864. -- This morning finds us without any further orders. The reason for not moving out last night was the breaking of the pontoon bridge. The bridge is being laid in another place. All quiet along the lines, except light picket-firing. The rebel wagon-train seems to be moving to our left. General Kimball rode along our lines, having returned to take command of the 1st Division, 4th Army Corps again. 5 P. M. -- Orders to be ready to march at dark; think we are to evacuate. All in readiness, and moved out silently at nine o'clock. Crossed Duck River on a pontoon bridge, and went into camp for the remainder of the night. The roads passed over were extremely muddy. We were four hours in going about three miles.

"Bivouac on North Side of Duck River, one and one-half miles from Columbia, November 28, 1864. -- We came to this point at 1.15 o'clock A. M. and hastily spread down our blankets for a sleep. At daylight was wakened by the sound of the enemy's guns on the opposite side of the creek." [This would make four days, from November 25th to 28th, inclusive.]

3d Ques. What duty, if any, did your company do at Columbia?

"Friday, November 25, 1864. -- Eighty-eighth and 73d Illinois, 24th Wisconsin, and 125th Ohio were ordered out to make a

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reconnaissance, and go out four miles on the Pulaski pike, if we did not meet the enemy in force. One and a half miles out, skirmishers were deployed, and, after moving forward one-half mile, came up to the rebel pickets, thought to be dismounted cavalry. Our skirmishers fired a few shots, and the rebels brought out a piece of artillery and fired six shots at us, and to our left. After sending an aide to town to report, we were ordered back to our old quarters.

"Columbia, Tennessee, Saturday, November 26, 1864. -- Camp in western suburbs. Drizzling rain. Completed a line of earth-works which had been commenced to our front."

"Bivouac North Side of Duck River, one and one-half miles from Columbia, November 28, 1864. -- There was some cannonading at 7.30 o'clock. Major Motherspaw had charge of the brigade pickets, and came in at three o'clock this morning; reports all across river; pontoon and railroad bridges burned, and a small amount of ammunition destroyed, which were all the articles belonging to the Government but what were sent to the rear."

From this evidence, taken at the time, it seems that Captain Kyger's answer to third question is: We helped make reconnoissance in force; helped complete earth-works, and did skirmish and picket duty, while near Columbia.

4th Ques. When did you leave Columbia?

"Camp two miles North of Columbia, Tennessee, Tuesday, November 29, 1864. -- Marched at eight o'clock this morning; 2d Division and 1st Brigade in front of 4th Army Corps; 73d Regiment in front of brigade, and Companies A, F, D, and I to front of train. General Schofield's 23d Corps to remain at Duck River, to cover our retreat and fall back during the night."

5th Ques. What position in the marching column did the 73d occupy in the march from Columbia to Spring Hill?

"Companies A, F, D, and I to front of train. Just before reaching Spring Hill, the remaining six companies of our regiment were ordered out on right of pike as flankers."

6th Ques. What time did you reach Spring Hill?

This question the memoranda does not answer directly, but does so indirectly, and the answer is

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given in connection with the answer to the seventh question, which is, --

What obstructions, if any, did you see in the road at or near Spring Hill?

"On coming opposite town, a cavalry force was observed approaching on north side, aiming to reach the pike. Skirmishing was pretty brisk for a half hour, when it was driven back, with a slight loss in our brigade. At three o'clock P. M. infantry approached on east side and engaged 2d and 3d Brigades, 2d Division. A sharp fight continued until after dark; portions of 1st and 3d Divisions, 4th Army Corps, were also slightly engaged below the town. The loss in our division (2d) was pretty heavy. All our brigade was on the skirmish-line north-east of town. 9 o'clock P. M. -- Schofield not yet reported."

8th Ques. If you or your company were detailed for special duty on the march from Columbia to Spring Hill, state what that duty was, and who was the officer in command of the detail.

The memoranda does not disclose an answer to the eighth question, farther than that embraced in the answer to question number five. The four companies, A, F, D, and I, were in the advance on the pike, and were under the command of Captain G. W. Patten, of Company I, of the committee appointed to collect this evidence.

9th Ques. What position did you occupy at Spring Hill?

The answer to this question is included with the answer to question number seven. We repeat: "All our brigade was on the skirmish-line north-east of town." Company C, the color company, and the entire left wing of the 73d Regiment, before reaching Spring Hill, served first as flankers, and then as skirmishers to the right or east of the pike. This fact has already been indicated, but it will be more fully developed by other testimony appearing herein.

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10th Ques. What time did you leave Spring Hill for Franklin?

"Spring Hill, Tennessee, Wednesday, November 30, 1864. -- At dawn of day were ordered to quit our skirmish-line and fall back to pike."

11th Ques. What position did the 73d have in the marching column from Spring Hill to Franklin?

"Marched in line of battle to the support of skirmish-line to within three miles of Franklin. I was not able to march all the way on account of a sick brash; rode Lieutenant Tilton's horse a part of the way. The rebels followed us closely, skirmishing at all points where the advantage was in their favor. At twelve o'clock M. we halted on some high knobs two and one-half miles south of Franklin. At this point, while lying by the road-side, I was struck by a spent ball on the abdomen, doing no damage; from this point we went nearer town and were halted; returned to knobs again. I did not go on to the knob the second time. The regiment did not stay but a short time until the rebels were seen moving on the town in force. Those hills were abandoned. When the regiment came along I was in care of Joe Garrett [sergeant-major], and was not able to walk. Adjutant Wilmer had me get on his horse and ride to town. By this time it was two o'clock P. M. Doctor Pond and John Rush, by order of Doctor Pearce took me to the north side of the Harpeth River, and put me into a car that was going to Nashville. I was not able to sit up. I shall always feel grateful to Tilton, Pond, Wilmer, and Rush, for their kindness toward me."

12th Ques. At what point in the battle-line were you at Franklin?

From the foregoing it appears that Captain Kyger was not in the action at Franklin.

Therefore his memoranda furnish no answer to the twelfth question; the same as to the

13th Ques. By whose order did you go there?

14th Ques. At what time did you leave the works?

"The regiment left the front line, to fall back on Nashville, at nine o'clock P. M."

15th Ques. What time did you reach Nashville?

"Arrived at Nashville at twelve o'clock M., December 1, 1864."

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16th Ques. Give full account of the battle as you saw it.

"At about four o'clock P. M. Hood made a desperate charge to break our lines, which were formed around the town, with our left on the Harpeth River above, and right on river below. It was a desperate battle, lasting until after dark, and terminating in our favor."

The memoranda quoted above in answer to the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth interrogatories, were made by Captain Kyger on the basis of information satisfactory to him, obtained and entered by him at the time, in order to fill dates; perfecting his record or memoranda by so doing.

As one of the committee selected to prepare this chapter, we have made a fair and truthful exhibit from Captain Kyger's memoranda, copying such portions as, either wholly or in part, answer the questions submitted. Having been a member of Kyger's company, serving with it the whole time, and being present with it the entire distance from Columbia to Spring Hill, and from thence to Franklin and Nashville, we can fully accept as truth the statements quoted. In the main they agree with our own personal knowledge and recollection. We kept no memoranda; Captain Kyger did; we trusted him, and he must be correct. If anything is conclusively shown by Captain Kyger's statements, it must be the fact that the 73d was in the advance from Columbia to Spring Hill, November 29, 1864; and not only that, but was in the very front of the advance -- four companies, A, F, D, and I, being in advance of the train; the other six companies being thrown out to the right of the pike as "flankers," ready in case of necessity to quickly change to skirmishers, as they did before reaching Spring Hill. The enemy's forces were hurrying, making forced

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marches, to reach Spring Hill before we should, the object being to intercept and capture or destroy our train. The race was for our side, too, nearly an even one; but we got there, if not first, at least in time to meet and repel the enemy's advance cavalry. Who would meet and repel the enemy's advance, if not our advance? O yes; we were in front on the movement from Columbia to Spring Hill. The 2d Division had the advance of the other two divisions of the 4th Army Corps; the 1st Brigade, Opdycke's brigade, had the advance of the other two brigades of the 2d Division, and the 73d Illinois had the advance of the other six regiments of Opdycke's 1st Brigade of the 2d Division, part of it -- four companies -- being in front of the foremost wagon in our train (and it must be conceded that, as we were then moving, the train was to the front), the other six companies of the regiment being deployed to the right of the pike as "flankers," and later on, also as skirmishers; and between the 73d and the enemy's cavalry when it first appeared and attacked -- that is, if the enemy's cavalry were not there first -- nothing interposed, nothing whatever. It must be borne in mind just here that the four companies of the right wing of the regiment, detailed as the advance guard and skirmishers, and Company C and the entire left wing, detailed as flankers and skirmishers, did not have exactly the same position and experience on reaching Spring Hill; did not have exactly the same duty to perform. The former may have attacked the enemy, while the latter, being in another place, a little removed, were attacked by the enemy. Be this as it may, however, there was a collision between us and the enemy, and Colonel Opdycke and the remainder of

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his brigade coming up, the enemy's cavalry was repulsed, and not only that, but was driven off quite a distance; and holding our position, our part of the line we did not participate in the heavier fighting which occurred later, and continued until after dark. That part of Captain Kyger's memoranda quoted in answer to question number seven, fixes the time of our arrival at Spring Hill, by necessary implication, at about half-past two o'clock P. M., November 29th. That is a little earlier than we thought, but we think the captain is correct. We had to get there pretty early in order to be there in time to press back the van of Forrest's cavalry, as we did. After night-fall, after all fighting had ceased, the enemy's infantry began going into camp. At one time we were a little apprehensive that he was going to trespass on our space, the way he spread out. In this connection we will copy Captain Kyger s memoranda, the last entry made under date of November 29th. It reads:

"The valley south-east is lighted up with rebel camp-fires; looks as though there might be a corps of infantry there. Prospects look gloomy for all our train to be saved."

This statement was amply warranted by the facts, or at least by the indications, as to the situation at the time. Captain Kyger was with his company during the night, as it was standing on the picket-line, and this writer remembers distinctly that, in conversing with him, in very mildly-voiced words, the question with us was, How near are we to the rebel pickets? -- the question being suggested by our close proximity to the enemy's camp-fires. So close were we that we could hear the common camp-talk, but not to the extent of determining what was said. Never before in our experience

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did we perform picket duty so near to an enemy's camp. The entries under date of November 30th we have copied almost entirely, in answer to eleventh and other questions following it. That we fell back, marched in line of battle from Spring Hill to within three miles of Franklin, is clearly shown by Captain Kyger's statement, which, being true, proves our claim, and consequently entitles us to the credit of constituting a part of the "rear guard," and assisting in covering the retreat of our forces. Captain Kyger being taken sick, left the line just as he describes in that part of the statement copied in answer to question number eleven, and was with his company no more until it reached Nashville. Of this we are personally aware, as the command of Kyger's company devolved upon the writer, his lieutenant, after he left. But after leaving the company, Captain Kyger, being very sick, was helped, as he describes, to the rear -- that is in the direction of Franklin -- and while lying near the pike was struck by a spent ball. This spent ball, of course, came from the enemy, and although he was much farther from the enemy than we were, yet he was struck by it; proving that we were much nearer that enemy, and interposing between that enemy and our objective point, Franklin, and our hard-pressed, retreating forces.

This fourth day of December, 1888, we met Major Wilson Burroughs, of Fairmount, Vermilion County, Illinois, who was captain of Company E, of the 73d Illinois Infantry, and who was present with his command all the time during the campaign from Columbia to Nashville. Major Burroughs remembers very well that the regiment was in the advance November 29, 1864, from Columbia to Spring Hill. He did not call to mind,

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would not say precisely, as to the time of day, that we arrived there, but on the other point, as to our regiment being in front from Columbia, his recollection was clear. As to our movement from Spring Hill to Franklin, the major says that we fell back in line of battle; a skirmish-line was in our front, or rear, all the time. At times the battle-line and skirmish-line alternated, took turns in skirmishing, falling back, and taking position, thus relieving each other. This was especially the case, and probably necessary, when crossing streams and clearing other obstructions. In conversing with Major Burroughs our memory was refreshed as to the mode of our falling back as rear guard from Franklin. We knew, however, there was some way of explaining how it was that we occasionally both received and returned fire. Major Burroughs's statement furnishes the explanation. On the other points raised by the interrogatories, Major Burroughs agrees substantially with the other statements herein.

We will now allow A. Behrens, of Pekin, Illinois, late captain of Company A, 44th Illinois, to testify. His answers are from the stand-point of the 44th, instead of the 73d Illinois, which, taken in connection with the fact, that no two witnesses interpret the intent and scope of the questions alike, will help to account for the differences and discrepancies between statements. In the questions where the 73d is mentioned, Captain Behrens substitutes 44th instead of 73d. It sometimes happened that two regiments belonging to the same brigade, while on the advance or in action, would be some distance apart. We do not think such was the case in this instance however.

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5th Ques. What position in the marching column did the 44th occupy in the march from Columbia to Spring Hill?

"Opdycke's brigade in advance."

6th Ques. What time did you reach Spring Hill?

"About five o'clock P. M."

7th Ques. What obstructions, if any, did you see in the road, at or near Spring Hill?

"Rebel cavalry."

8th Ques. As to special duty on the march from Columbia to Spring Hill, and as to the officer in command, etc.?

"Driving rebel cavalry from Spring Hill; Colonel Opdycke."

9th Ques. What position did you occupy at Spring Hill?

"In line of battle, to the right of turnpike."

10th Ques. What time did you leave Spring Hill for Franklin?

"About six o'clock A.M., November 30, 1864."

11th Ques. What position did the 44th have in the marching column from Spring Hill to Franklin?

"Opdycke's brigade covered the retreat to Franklin."

12th Ques. At what point on the battle-line were you at Franklin?

"On left-hand side of turnpike, right near turnpike."

13th Ques. By whose order did you go there?

"Colonel, commanding regiment."

14th Ques. At what time did you leave the works?

"About eleven or twelve o'clock at night."

15th Ques. What time did you reach Nashville?

"About ten o'clock A. M., December 1, 1864."

16th Ques. Give full account of the battle as you saw it.

"When Opdycke's brigade arrived at Franklin, it rested about thirty minutes on turnpike in front of line of works; then passed through on turnpike, to the rear of the works. About one hour after this, rebels charged the line of works and took the center, or that part of works near turnpike, and near to where Opdycke's brigade was in reserve. At once Opdycke ordered his brigade to retake line of works, which we did at once, and in splendid style. Opdycke's brigade saved the battle of Franklin, and I know it."

One witness may make the date, or point of time, of our arrival at Spring Hill before we drove the rebel cavalry away from there, and another witness make it

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after that event. Then, the calculations as to time may have been made, in some instances, after night had begun to close over the confusion at Spring Hill. The day being short, and the dust and smoke of battle hovering over and settling down upon us, no doubt misled and tended to deceive as to time. Agreement on the essential points is as much as we can expect in discussing the events of twenty-four years ago.

Knowing Captain Alexander L. Whitehall, of Watseka, Iroquois County, Illinois, late of the 9th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, to be pretty thoroughly posted on the battle of Franklin and the campaign immediately preceding it, we wrote to him and obtained testimony as shown in part herewith. We would gladly give the whole of Captain Whitehall's evidence, but our space will not admit of doing so. He is thoroughly fair and impartial, and seeks to do justice to all. We have copied what we have, for the purpose of furnishing some evidence outside our own brigade to corroborate that furnished from within it. Captain Whitehall, in answering questions, states nothing but that which came within his personal knowledge, or, if otherwise, we are given to understand that the information is "second hand," or based on common report, or drawn from well-authenticated, accepted history.

Captain Whitehall's testimony is as follows:

1st Ques. When did your company arrive at Columbia, Tennessee?

"The night of November 23d, I think."

2d Ques. How long did you remain there?

"On south side of river, three or four days."

3d Ques. What duty, if any, did your company do at Columbia ?

"Threw up works and manned them."

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4th Ques. When did you leave Columbia?

"Left north side of river November 29th, in the morning; took position to left of pike and fell back to Spring Hill."

5th Ques. What position in the marching column did the 73d occupy in the march from Columbia to Spring Hill?

"Personally, I do not know; was in the 1st Division, 4th Army Corps."

6th Ques. What time did you reach Spring Hill?

"After midnight, November 29th.

7th Ques. What obstructions, if any, did you see in the road at or near Spring Hill?

"Confederates camped east of pike, and 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, in line of battle between them and the pike."

9th Ques. What position did you occupy at Spring Hill?

"Marched through Spring Hill on the pike."

10th Ques. What time did you leave Spring Hill for Franklin?

"Some time after midnight."

11th Ques. What position did the 73d have in the marching column from Spring Hill to Franklin?

"Can not say; only by common report, in rear brigade -- Opdycke's."

12th Ques. At what point on the battle-line were you at Franklin?

"On right of line, facing south; our left joining Ruger's right."

13th Ques. By whose order did you go there?

"Order of commander of 1st Division, 4th Army Corps."

14th Ques. At what time did you leave the works?

"Near midnight."

15th Ques. What time did you reach Nashville?

"Afternoon, December 1, 1864."

16th Ques. Give full account of the battle as you saw it.

"I send printed proof-slip of my description of the battle as given at our late regimental -- 9th Indiana Infantry -- reunion. Personally, I did not know what regiments were in Opdycke's brigade, but I have a recollection that the brigade was rear guard from Spring Hill, and I saw it march through the gap at the pike a little before the grand assault, and I saw it form and charge into the rebels in the vicinity of the Carter house and yard. Have always understood that the 73d Illinois formed a part of Opdycke's command in the Franklin fight. I send you proof-slips of that part of my speech referring directly to Franklin."

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We received the proof-slips, and proceed to quote liberally therefrom, as follows:

"The disposition of the forces was as follows: Out in front, perhaps a quarter of a mile, on rising ground, lie two brigades of our 2d Division, Wagner's men, in line, looking toward Spring Hill, and on each side of the pike. The other brigade of this division had been rear guard from Spring Hill, holding in check Hood's advance till, about noon, it halted on a hill about a mile or so out of town, and watched Hood's army massing for the grand charge; and then later it passed through in rear of the outpost brigades, and kept on through the works, and halted perhaps two or three hundred yards inside the gap at the pike, on the left of it, and the men, being very tired and hungry, were getting a meal when the breach was made in our lines at the pike."

Notice how perfectly Captain Whitehall, though in another division, corroborates Captain Kyger as to these preliminary movements of Opdycke's brigade. He could not have done better if he had been present with Kyger at the time, looked through the same glasses,

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and then copied his memoranda. Taken in connection with Captain Whitehall's answers to questions, the foregoing evidently has reference, in the latter and greater portion, to Opdycke's brigade -- the 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps. He goes on and gives the position of the other divisions, and gives a full and accurate description of the situation, bringing his description down to the "critical moment:"

"Just at the critical moment when all seemed but lost, the brigade of Opdycke's that had halted on the common, several hundred yards back of the gap in the works, sprung for its stacked muskets and was in line in a few moments, and in a moment later was charging down upon that confused mass of humanity just inside of the gap; and just then the red-hot work in our front opened up, and when we next got a glance at the pike, the rebels had been pushed back, and the sun set upon our flags once more waving defiance from our restored lines. We can not describe the cheers that went up when this was discovered to be a fact....

"And it was reserved for Opdycke's brigade, with its quickly formed lines, to hurl back the enemy beyond our lines, after his brief occupancy of them. That this brigade found hard fighting is a matter of history, and that it was well seconded in the hand-to-hand encounter by hundreds of the fighting fellows of Reilly's, Strickland's, Conrad's, and Lane's brigades, is also an undisputed fact; every man counted as one, who stood his ground in that fierce personal encounter....Illinois was honored by having five of her representative regiments in that brigade at the fight; viz., the 36th, 44th, 73d, 74th, and 88th, which, with the 24th Wisconsin and the 125th Ohio -- Opdycke's own regiment -- constituted the brigade. Opdycke, though youthful in appearance, was cast in a heroic mold, and his reply to General Thomas as he was directed by the old war-dog to hold his position at Chickamauga at all hazards, ‘We will hold it, General, or go to heaven from it,’ shows us of what pluck the commander of that brigade could boast.

"General Stanley, our magnificent corps commander at the time the battle opened, was across the river watching the movements of Hood ; and seeing that an assault was intended, spurred

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his horse to its best speed, and riding to the left of Opdycke's brigade, led the gallant fellows against the enemy inside the works. Opdycke fought like a young tiger, along with his men, and escaped unhurt, while Stanley received an ugly wound in the neck, but continued on the field, and rode his horse back to Nashville the next day. No body of men, it is said, fought more coolly and with more nerve than did the men of the brigades in the 23d Corps that had been forced out of their works at the first onset, after they got back into their old places in line along with Opdycke's and Wagner's men. It is questionable if any body of men could have held the works unless they had shot down our own men as they fled from the outposts ahead of the charging Confederatesdot;....

"Now, comrades, much has been said of the famous charge of Pickett's division at Gettysburg; and here, upon a little battle front of much less than a mile, was hurled an assaulting column composed of two veteran corps, with another full corps crowding almost upon their heels as a reserve; forty-five thousand men falling upon scarce a fifth of their number, lying behind frail works thrown up in a few hours by men nearly worn out with hard marching and fighting for several days previous, but at last brought to bay there in the bend of the Harpeth River, to make a desperate fight that shall live in history as one of the bloodiest battles, for the number engaged, the ground fought over, and the time of actual conflict, that has ever occurred in civilized warfare."

By delving into Captain Kyger's memoranda in search of evidence upon the points in controversy, we are carried back in strong and vivid imagination to those old days crowded with important events. So distinct is our recollection, and so alert and active is our imagination, that the scenes and actors are all but reproduced before us; and the testimony of Captain Kyger, good man as he was, seems almost like a voice, not from the grave, but from beyond it. After all, these private memoranda, evidence taken at the time, are the most satisfactory, the witness being free from bias, not knowing that the facts concerning which he testifies will ever be questioned. We will now introduce some testimony

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taken from the memoranda of Sergeant Alex. C. Nicholson, of Paxton, Ford County, Illinois, who served three years in Company C, 73d Illinois Volunteers. Observe how his testimony tallies with that of his captain:

"PAXTON, SUNDAY, December 2, 1888.

"FRIEND BILL, -- Your letter and questions received a day or so ago. I do not know of any better way to answer than by copying my diary, which I will do, and you can fill in the answers accordingly. Hoping you and yours and the boys are all well, I will commence.

When did your company arrive at Columbia, Tennessee?

"Linnville, Thursday, November 24, 1864. -- Awakened by the strike-tent call about three o'clock A. M., and ordered off from our coffee at 3.30. Marched down to the pike, and stayed about one-half hour, when our regiment was ordered back to camp to stay till the troops and train all passed. We are to act as rear guard. Started after eight o'clock A. M., and arrived at Columbia about five P. M. The road was lined with ‘niggers’ and citizens flying to our lines. There was some heavy skirmishing along the road; I killed three hogs. A hard march of eighteen miles."

We will copy connectedly from the sergeant's diary in answer to the several questions, the answers to most of which will appear sufficiently prominent. The length of time we remained at Columbia, the kind of duty we did while there, and the date of our leaving there, is shown in what we copy under dates of November 25, 26, 27, and 28, 1864:

"Friday, November 25th. -- A nice, bright day. Ordered up and under arms at daylight. Mel. gave me a letter that came last night, dated November 14th. Detailed for picket; went on at ten A. M., relieved at five o'clock P. M.; returned to camp; got supper, and shortly after dark the strike-tent call sounded. At about eight o'clock P. M. fell in and marched about three-fourths of a mile north-west of town, and commenced works on a hill; (stole hams.)

"Saturday, November 26th. -- A little rain last night; got up early and finished our works. Skirmishing commenced before day,

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and now, about nine o'clock A. M., is going on briskly; the wind blows damp, and it looks like rain, both of lead and water. There has been more or less skirmishing all day. At five o'clock P. M. ordered to strike tents and be ready to move out. Lay around in the rain till about eight o'clock P. M., when orders came to make ourselves comfortable as possible, that probably we would stay all night. A rainy, nasty night; we stayed.

"Sunday, November 27th. -- A cloudy, windy day; still in camp, owing to pontoon across the river being broken. The battery came back this morning. Skirmishing going on along the picket-line; wrote to wife; could see rebel trains moving up; received orders to march at dark. Moved at nine o'clock P. M., and marched across Duck River, about three-fourths of a mile, where we arrived at one o'clock A. M., one and one-half miles from town.

"Monday, November 28th. -- A cloudy morning; heavy skirmishing going on at the river. At 10.30 o'clock A. M. we moved from two and a half miles north-east to about two miles north of town. Skirmishing going on all day, but we have not participated. Put up tents, and stayed all night."

The position the 73d had in the marching column from Columbia to Spring Hill; the time, approximate time, that we reached there; the obstructions (if any) found in the road at or near there; the special duty, and the position we occupied at Spring Hill, on November 29, 1864, are indicated in the sergeant's entry of that date, which is as follows:

"Tuesday, November 29th. -- Left camp at nine o'clock A. M., and moved out to pike. About three miles from Spring Hill, Company C and the left wing of the 73d Regiment deployed as flankers at twenty minutes past twelve o'clock noon, and moved parallel with the pike, the balance of the regiment acting as skirmishers in the advance. At one and a half o'clock P. M. the rebel cavalry made a dash on us at Spring Hill, but we drove it back, killing three men and horses; we were relieved, and came back to the brigade and rested. Skirmishing is going on briskly as far back as we can hear, at 2.30 o'clock P. M. At about four o'clock P. M. we moved out to support the 88th Illinois. At 5.30 P. M. we were sent to the picket-line; the regiment was cut

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up and put in different parts of the line. The 2d and 3d Brigades of our division have been heavily engaged, but with slight loss. Our entire train and army succeeded in getting past, leaving us in the rear."

The remaining seven questions of the list, are for the most part, answered by the entries under date of November 30, 1864. These entries are:

"Wednesday, November 30th. -- We formed skirmish-line at daybreak, and drew in our pickets; our brigade covering the retreat, with the 88th Illinois on the skirmish-line (the 88th having relieved us from picket). The 44th and 73d Illinois regiments marched in first line of battle. The rebels kept close up to us, but did not drive in our skirmishers. We reached the line of hills, three miles south of Franklin, about eleven o'clock A. M., and planted a battery on top of the hill on east side of the pike, where we had a good view of the rebels; remained about three-fourths of an hour, when we were ordered to follow the troops. We fell in, and moved off of the hill towards town about three-fourths of a mile, when we received orders to ‘about face,’ and go back to our position on the hill; as quickly as possible did so, and stayed there about one-half hour, when we were called into line and moved into the outskirts of town, where we got dinner (had fresh pork). At four o'clock P. M. the rebels began to come for us, our brigade to be in reserve, but about 4.30 P. M. the rebels charged furiously; the center on the pike gave way; the 44th Missouri and 72d Illinois began to run like h--l from their rifle-pits. Our brigade was called to attention, and in less than two minutes we were going on the keen run, trying to drive our men back; the rebels had driven them out of their first line and got into it, and half-way to our second and last line, but we drove them back to the outside of our first line, and from that time till 10.30 P. M., when I left the lines, we kept up a constant stream of fire on them, killing a great many of them and getting a goodly number of our men killed, but nothing like the number of theirs.

Our adjutant was killed; Major Motherspaw was wounded; also Captain Jones of D, and Lieutenant Kiser of A, Gill Harbinson of B, Tom Biddle of H, and S. Orwig of G, killed. Several others in the regiment were wounded: John Doop, breast; Joe Reagan, slight, head; Jos. A. Allison, thigh. At about twelve o'clock at night, we fell in and crossed the river, and marched all

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night; arrived at Nashville outskirts at about 11.30 o'clock A. M., and got dinner, December 1, 1864. We moved to the north-west and camped for the night. A. Jones and Z. Fulton still missing."

The sergeant adds "amen," and concludes his letter thus:

"Well, Bill, here is the best answer to your letter and questions that I can give. Could tell some ‘nanny goats.’ Ask Mel. Sheets if he relished his fresh pork at Franklin. The boys none of them answer my letters. I have written to Bob Cowan and to ‘ Jack of Clubs,’ but no answer."

It is needless to say that we have answered, and asked for some "nanny goats." But to the evidence. What is more conclusively shown by the foregoing statements than these two leading facts; viz., that the 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, was in the advance from Columbia to Spring Hill, and was also in the rear, serving as rear guard, from Spring Hill to Franklin? On the movement to Spring Hill the 4th Army Corps was in advance of the other corps, the 2d Division was in advance of the other two divisions of the 4th Corps, and the 1st Brigade, Opdycke's brigade, in advance of the other two brigades of the 2d Division; and that is not quite all yet: the 73d Illinois in advance of the other six regiments of Opdycke's brigade -- the 73d in the very foremost advance, ahead of all our forces. True, the rebel cavalry were ahead of us; must have been moving on an outer line, on a parallel road, or it would not have reached Spring Hill by the time we did, or a little before. We had our little brush with Forrest's cavalry and brushed it aside, saying to it, "Hands off, this is our train; these mules, these cracker and bacon wagons, these powder and bullet

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wagons are ours; this pike is ours, or if not ours, we are going to have the use of it." We did have the use of it, but had to fight for it. Later, the remainder of our brigade and division came up, and the rebel infantry began to arrive. Quite a spirited engagement was had, and much confusion prevailed, but the 2d Division maintained its grip on that pike until re-enforcements and night came to its relief. Under cover of darkness possession was maintained of that pike until morning. Meantime our trains passed along that pike; the 23d Army Corps passed; the 1st and 3d Divisions of the 4th Corps passed. Recur now to what Captain Whitehall says in answer to the seventh question: "Confederates camped east of pike, and 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, between them and the pike." The enemy was camped within a half mile of the pike, and our division was in line of battle between him and the pike. This was the situation after midnight, too, as appears from Captain Whitehall's answer to question number six. Well, still later, near morning of November 30th, the 2d and 3d Brigades of our 2d Division pulled out, and our brigade, Opdycke's 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, was left in the rear. At daybreak or a little later -- later, we say -- our brigade began falling back in line of battle, as rear guard, with one of its regiments deployed and thrown out as skirmishers. Our brigade was the first to arrive at Spring Hill, and the latest, the very last, to leave Spring Hill. It stuck to, stood by Spring Hill as long as it wanted or needed to, or longer, and then left Spring Hill. In the movement on November 29th it was in front; next day it was in the rear. That was not unusual; in fact, it was common, for a brigade to be in front one day and in the

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rear next day, especially with reference to corps or division organization. But in this case, our brigade was in front of the whole business one day, and in the rear of the whole business next day. The serious part of it was, the danger was in front the day the brigade was in front, and next day, when it was in the rear, the danger was there also; our forces having gotten around or past those of the enemy during the night, and our division, the greater part of it, in line of battle, holding open the avenue of escape. The 88th Illinois, it appears, was on the skirmish-line, and the 44th and 73d Illinois were in the first line of battle, in support of the 88th, on November 30, 1864, when falling back as rear guard on Franklin.

This accounts for three regiments of the brigade. Where were the other four? We shall, perhaps, be able to show where the 36th and 74th Illinois were -- show approximately, at least -- but as to the 24th Wisconsin and the 125th Ohio, we have no data or evidence at hand to show where they were or the kind of duty they did on this retreat; but they were undoubtedly near at hand. In the Revised Reports of the Adjutant-General of the State of Illinois, in Vol. III., page 36, appears a brief history of the 36th Illinois, from which we extract the following:

"On September 25th was ordered back to Chattanooga, leaving that place on the 2d of October, in pursuit of Hood; marched to Ringgold, Shell Mound, Whitesides, Gordon's Mills, Summerville, Alpine, Huntsville, Athens, Pulaski, Columbia, Spring Hill, and Franklin, and, being rear guard, was under fire almost continuously from Spring Hill to Franklin. It was there engaged in the hottest of that memorable battle; General Thomas personally thanking the regiment for its bravery and gallantry in that fight."

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The statement, "being rear guard and under fire almost continuously from Spring Hill to Franklin," would seem to indicate with sufficient certainty the position of the 36th on the movement from Spring Hill, November 30, 1864. As to the 74th Illinois, it appears that this regiment was consolidated with the 88th Illinois, and under command of Colonel Smith, of the 88th. Whether this consolidation was effected before November 30th does not appear. If before, then the 74th must have been on the skirmish-line with the 88th between Spring Hill and Franklin.

The history of the 74th Illinois, as appears in Vol. IV, at page 593, of the Revised Reports of the adjutant-general of the State, says:

"The 74th, while still comprised in the 1st Brigade, became part of the 2d Division of the 4th Army Corps, and so continued until the close of the war."

The history, in noting the events of November 29, 1864, says:

"At Spring Hill the 4th Corps had a lively engagement with the enemy's cavalry, driving the rebel force over a mile. In this action the 74th had one man killed and three wounded."

Reference to the events of November 30th, and the conduct of the 74th and 88th in the action at Franklin, contains this language:

"Of the loss to the regiment that day no record has been found. In that action the 74th and 88th were united, and acted as one regiment, under command of Colonel Smith, of the 88th. The next day Generals Thomas and Wood rode along the line, and halting in front of the consolidated regiments, General Wood called forward Colonel Smith, and addressing him said: ‘I wish, Colonel, in the presence of General Thomas, to repeat what General Stanley assured me was true; that it is owing to the bravery of yourself and men that we saved the army at Franklin.’"

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The consolidation here spoken of may have been temporary, and merely for convenience, pending the engagement at Franklin, although it appears the two regiments were still consolidated next day, December 1st, and may have been for several days before that date. We are generally interested in the record of the 1st Brigade, and particularly in that of the 73d Illinois Regiment. Our claims, we think, are fully proven; but we have more evidence, and will introduce it, condensing as much as we can without impairing its force. Sergeant Reuben Jack, of Fairmount, Illinois, who served three years in Company E, 73d Illinois, says he does not remember dates very well, but states, in answer to fourth question, that we left Columbia during the night. To the next the sergeant answers:

"The regiment acted as flankers, marching on the right of the road, until near Spring Hill, when it was thrown to the front as skirmishers."

6th. "We reached Spring Hill some time after noon."

7th. "Saw Confederate cavalry in the road at or near Spring Hill."

8th. "We did duty, first as flankers, and then as skirmishers."

9th and 10th. "Our position at Spring Hill was on the skirmish and picket line; we left Spring Hill early in the morning of November 30th. The 23d Corps and all of the 4th Corps, excepting our brigade, passed along the pike, getting well on the way to Franklin before daylight."

11th. "The regiment, with the other regiments of our brigade, marched in line of battle as rear guard until we reached the line of hills south of Franklin, where a section of artillery was posted."

12th. "We were taken in and filed off to the left -- west side -- of the pike, just behind the line of battle, and when the enemy assaulted the works, the line broke and gave way, and we went into the breach, drove the enemy out of our works and occupied them."

13th. "I did not hear any order to go there."

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14th. "I left the works about midnight; do not think fifty men crossed the bridge over the Harpeth River that night after I did."

15th. "We reached Nashville the next afternoon."

16th. "When the brigade (the 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps) arrived at Franklin (after having marched all the way in line of battle from Spring Hill to the range of hills about two miles south of Franklin), there was no room for us in the works, and the brigade was halted just in rear of the lines, and it stacked arms. Part of the brigade was on the east and part on the west side of the pike, and we supposed, as we had been on the picket-line at Spring Hill all night the night before, and marched in line of battle that day from there to Franklin as rear guard, that very likely we would be sent over the river. But when the assault was made, it struck our two brigades -- the 2d and 3d -- which had been posted out about a half mile, behind some stone walls, and they were compelled to fall back; and in coming back the men were mixed up with the Confederates so that the men in our lines did not like to shoot, and they all came to the works at about the same time; and I remember distinctly how the balls were flying, and our boys saying, ‘Let us go to the works;’ and when the line gave way, there was an uprising (it seemed spontaneous) and a general movement toward the works; and I know that when we got up to the works by the brick house -- the Carter house -- the Confederates were over the works, on our side many of them, and we fought with them, and held the works. This is about all I know about the battle, as I did not have time to look around much."

John W. Sherrick, of Camp Point, Illinois, lieutenant of Company H, 73d Illinois, answers the several questions substantially as follows:

"Arrived at Columbia November 26th, I think. Remained there two or three days. Think we dug rifle-pits north of river, and we left there November 29th, in the morning. From Columbia to Spring Hill our brigade had the advance. We reached Spring Hill about the middle of the afternoon. I saw no obstruction in the road at Spring Hill. We were in line of battle northeast of Spring Hill. We advanced and drove the rebels back, and were on picket all night. We started for Franklin after sunrise, November 30th. On the way to Franklin we were rear

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guard. Our position in the line of battle at Franklin was between the Carter house and the locust grove, just to the left of the locust grove. We heard no orders to go there. We left the works between ten o'clock and midnight, and reached Nashville near noon next day, December 1st.

"Our regiment was resting two or three hundred yards back of the Carter house when Hood advanced to the attack. As the rebel yell drew nearer, our men sprang to their guns, stood a few moments listening to the confusion in front; then, as if by inspiration, the whole line broke for the works. There were no orders for this move. As we were going to the works, Colonel Opdycke's adjutant rode up to Major Motherspaw, and ordered him to halt his regiment, saying that ‘there were no orders to move.’ The major replied that it would be impossible to stop the men. The rest of the brigade followed our regiment, and as there were several buildings and fenced lots between us and the works, the brigade was badly mixed up when it got there. The troops stationed in the works had broken and run. When we got to the works the rebels were coming over them in places. We drove them back very soon, and held the line till about ten o'clock at night, when we withdrew, and crossed the river.

"The movement of our brigade to the front was without orders. I saw and heard Opdycke's staff officers trying to stop the men. They said there were no orders to move."

We are inclined to concur in nearly the whole of Sherrick's statement, excepting perhaps that portion relating to obstructions at Spring Hill. We think Sherrick either does not consider cavalry much of an obstruction to an infantry force, or else was under the impression that the kind of obstructions meant were logs, felled trees, barricades, or something of that kind; but such obstructions would have amounted to little -- nothing really -- unless an enemy was posted behind them. The men of the left wing of the regiment, and of Company C, saw no obstructions, except Forrest's cavalry. The men of the four right companies saw obstructions, which were intended to be in the way of the enemy's

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cavalry. Companies A and F built a barricade, a temporary breastwork, across the pike, to enable them to check and hold the rebel advance until the remainder of the regiment and brigade should arrive. This fact alone proves that the 73d Illinois had the advance November 29th, from Duck River, and was the first regiment to reach Spring Hill on that day. As to the battle at Franklin, we fully agree with Sherrick. The movement of our brigade, or of the regiment at least, was, we think, wholly in anticipation of orders. If there were orders, we did not hear them; we communicated none to our company. Every man of our company, including one with a furlough in his pocket, was ready as soon as we were; every man saw the emergency, and the irresistible tendency was toward the breach, and with cheers and an impetuous rush to the front, with fixed bayonets, that breach was filled, the line was restored, and the army saved. Opdycke's brigade did its plain, simple duty at Franklin. It was a perilous and an imperative duty, requiring in its performance a splendid and grand courage.

T. J. Wakefield, of Company B, 73d Illinois, of Anson, Kansas, does not remember dates very well, but does remember facts and circumstances. His testimony on the main points, raised by the several questions, is as follows:

"We left Columbia for Spring Hill in the morning. The 73d Illinois marched in the advance, and reached Spring Hill at about three o'clock P. M. The obstructions at or near Spring Hill were the enemy's cavalry and a section of artillery. At Spring Hill we charged the enemy, and lay on the skirmish-line, in sight of the enemy, all night. We left Spring Hill at day-break next morning. We were rear guard from Spring Hill to Franklin. Our position in the battle line at Franklin was to the right of pike,

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facing the enemy, near the Carter house. Went there without orders, and left there near eleven o'clock P. M. Reached Nashville at about ten o'clock A. M. next day. I remember very plainly that before we got to the ridge that crosses the pike, two miles south of Franklin, the enemy crowded on us, and we turned on him with artillery, and held him a half hour, and in that little skirmish the enemy put a bullet through my blanket (which was rolled and tied on top of my knapsack), and sent me on my head, and J. B. Baylor helped me up. We fell back about two hundred yards in the rear of the works at Franklin, and commenced making coffee; but before we got to drink it the enemy came on a charge for our works, and I can almost yet hear Joshua Bailey say, ‘Fall in, Company B,’ and, without further orders, we rallied on the colors, and run for the works; but before we got to the brick, or Carter house, our boys came rushing out of the works, back through our regiment. When we got to the works we found the enemy had possession; but he got out, and we got in. I remember there was a section of a battery in rear of us, firing over our heads, and the horses ran away with the caissons. George Patten helped carry ammunition to supply our guns. After we took possession of the works, every assault the enemy made was repulsed. General Pat Cleburne was killed in front of our regiment."

Captain Charles Tilton, of Company E, 73d Illinois, now of Fairmount, Illinois, answers questions numbers 7, 12, 13, and 14 as follows:

"Cavalry and infantry were the obstructions at or near Spring Hill.

"Our position in the battle-line at Franklin was to the right of Spring Hill pike, left resting on it.

"No order was given; we saw the emergency, and filled the gap. We left the works at ten o'clock at night."

Captain Tilton says he went along our line of works as late as ten o'clock P. M., or later, and helped withdraw, "call off," the men who were the last to leave the works in front of the Carter house.

David McDonald, of Georgetown, Illinois, who served three years in Company C, 73d Illinois, and

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who was present with the company on the campaign from Columbia to Nashville, responds to the several questions substantially as follows:

1st. "Arrived at Columbia, Thursday evening, November 24, 1864."

2d. "Remained there four days; three south aud one north of river."

3d and 4th. "While there we did duty on the skirmish-line, and on the morning of November 29th we started for Spring Hill."

5th. "The 73d Illinois had the extreme advance, four companies taken as advance guards."

6th. "We reached Spring Hill at about one o'clock P. M."

7th. "Obstructions in or near tbe road were rebel cavalry."

8th. "The entire 73d regiment was deployed as advance guards and flankers for the marching column, and Major Motherspaw, I think, was in command of the flankers."

9th. "At Spring Hill, we were on the skirmish-line, and on picket north-east of town."

10th. "We left Spring Hill for Franklin between day-break and sunrise."

11th. "From Spring Hill to Franklin we covered the retreat of our forces; were deployed as rear guard, and brought up the extreme rear."

12th. "The point we held in the battle-line, at Franklin, was just west of pike, between the brick house and the locust grove; part of our regiment opposite the locust grove."

13th. By whose order did you go there?

"Actually by instinct, but suppose by Opdycke's order."

14th. "We left the works at about eleven o'clock at night."

15th. "We reached Nashville at noon of December 1st."

16th. "The 73d went to the works without orders, but I afterwards learned that General Stanley rode up to Colonel Opdycke and ordered him to recapture the works; but the 73d was well on its way to the works before the order was given to Opdycke. When we got to the works the rebels were jumping over on our side like sheep in a wheat-field. We had the battle hand-to-hand, and were finally successful in checking the rebel advance, capturing prisoners inside our lines. We held the works against repeated assaults until we withdrew at about eleven o'clock P. M."

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Robert James Hasty, of Company C, 73d Illinois, color-bearer, furnishes us some testimony taken in part from a diary which he kept, covering the time of the fall campaign in 1864 in Tennessee. Sergeant Hasty lives near Newport, Indiana, and still has his diary. He served as color-bearer of the regiment from Chickamauga to the end of the war. We give the main points embraced in the sergeant's testimony:

"We did picket duty and were detailed to burn a house between the picket-lines while near Columbia."

"The 73d Illinois crossed Duck River on night of November 27th, at nine o'clock, and camped in a corn-field, where we lay all day of the 28th."

"On the morning of the 29th we started for Spring Hill, the 73d Illinois in the advance; four companies were sent on in advance of the regiment."

"We reached Spring Hill near noon, and engaged Forrest's cavalry at once."

"There were no obstructions, excepting the enemy."

"Four companies of the 73d were detailed early in the morning to go to Spring Hill as advance guard for the train; Companies A, F, D, and I were detailed, and Captain Patten, of Company I, was in command of the detail. The balance of the regiment was detailed as flankers when within two miles of town."

"When opposite town, on east side, we met and engaged Forrest's cavalry. I was detailed, the night of the 29th, to find the right of our picket-line, and the left of the line of the 28th Kentucky, which I did, encountering considerable difficulty, as well as danger."

"We left Spring Hill at daylight of November 30th."

"Our 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, was rear guard to the Army of the Cumberland, and marched in double line of battle from Spring Hill to within two miles of Franklin."

"On reserve by Opdycke's order; counter-charge made at our own option."

"We left the works at about eleven o'clock P. M."

"We reached Nashville, my diary says, at twelve o'clock noon, December 1st."

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"We arrived and halted two miles south of town, about eleven o'clock A. M. We lay here for a short time, and then drew inside of the line of battle around Franklin, and took position on right of Columbia pike, in the rear of the 72d Illinois and the 44th Missouri. I got permission, and went to see some friends in an Indiana regiment. While making this visit, the enemy charged our lines. I returned to the 73d just as it was falling into line; we were ordered to lie down, which we did. We were in that position but a short time before we saw, first a few men coming past the house, through the garden, followed almost immediately by scores of others. It became evident that our forces were leaving the lines, and that we would have to go to them. I so stated to Comrade Bishop, at the same time rising to my feet. Major Motherspaw swung into his saddle, and gave the order, ‘Forward, 73d, to the works!’ The rebels had possession of a portion of the works, which we retook, with many prisoners and several stands of colors. From that time until we left the lines, there was much desperate fighting, with heavy losses on both sides. I see, from the National Tribune, that the 23d Army Corps are trying to steal 1st Brigade honors, but we know who received the thanks of General Thomas in person. I do not know whether this will be of any account to you. One thing I do know, the answers to the questions are correct, my diary being kept up each day as the events transpired."

Charles W. McNichols, of Company B, 73d Illinois, now of Oconee, Illinois, furnishes a statement, which, as here condensed, sets forth as follows:

"We reconnoitered and skirmished while at and near Columbia. We left there on Sunday night; failed on night before on account of pontoon giving way. Know that the 73d was in the advance from Columbia to Spring Hill. We reached Spring Hill after noon. Obstructions there were the armed enemy. As corporal, I was ordered with two or three men to keep stragglers from passing ahead of command; before reaching Spring Hill we were deployed off to the right of pike, as flanking skirmishers. Our position at Spring Hill was out north-east, and joined others nearer the pike; advanced a little and were ordered down in a hollow so battery could open fire; occupied skirmish-line until about four o'clock in the morning. We left Spring Hill after

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daylight. Our position on the way from Spring Hill to Franklin was in the rear line of battle, a skirmish-line, a little farther to the rear. Our position in the line of battle at Franklin was in front of the Carter house; think our line extended to the pike. Do not know by whose order we went there. We left the works sometime after dark and we reached Nashville the next afternoon."

Stuart F. Hoskinson, of Company G, 73d Illinois, of Blakely, Washington Territory, who was severely wounded at Franklin, answers a few of the questions asked, and then gives a full account of the battle as he saw it. We condense his statement:

"From Columbia to Spring Hill, we were flankers in front; we reached there after noon of November 29th; we saw no obstructions. In the fight at Spring Hill we were east of the pike; the whole regiment was on picket at night; I was some distance east on a hill. We left Spring Hill by day-break. From Spring Hill to Franklin, we were part of the rear guard; there was some skirmishing on the way. Our position in the line of battle at Franklin, was west of the Columbia pike and south of the Carter house. When we got into Franklin, some time after noon, we were marched some two hundred yards to rear of Carter house, and halted on west side of pike to be held as reserve; were ordered to send after rations; detail was made and started across the river; but before it got over, the battle began. We were ordered to arms, and stood in line until the battle raged up to the works when the brigades out in front came in on the run, with rebel line close behind. This caused those who occupied the works to break, and the whole body of men in our front was coming back as fast as they could get back for fences in the way. Our Major Motherspaw, seeing the rout, gave the order, ‘73d forward,’ before Colonel Opdycke did. I well remember what a badly demoralized mob we met just in the yard at the Carter house; it was a fight, nearly, to get to the front, they wildly struggling to the rear, and we crowding to the front. When we got out of the jam so we could see, our men had left the front line, and the inside line was nearly deserted, and many rebels nearly to second line. We opened fire and just before we got to the rear line of works, we saw a reb. on top of the outer line, with his gun

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clubbed ready to strike one of our men who had failed to get out when the others ran; we pulled down on his ‘bread-basket,’ and saw him throw up his hands and fall backwards. We dropped behind the inside works, and began firing as fast as we could load. Just at our right there was a section of a battery, brass pieces, which gave the enemy canister as long as it held out. I was wounded at about eight o'clock, and during a lull in the firing got behind Carter's house, and lay there until some of the boys, about ten P. M., came, asking if any of the 73d were there. I called out I was, and was carried down town to the Presbyterian Church, where, with about one hundred and twenty others, I was made prisoner at the falling back of our men at midnight or thereabout. I was a prisoner until after the battles of Nashville, and the recapture of Franklin by our men on December 17th. There were only two other members of the regiment, so far as I know, prisoners with me. One was Joseph A. Allison, of Company C, who died December 10th. He lay only the second man from me, and gave me his watch and trinkets, to send to his wife, which I did, through some of the boys who came to see me after the recapture. The other man was James D. Branch, of Company D, who was shot through the neck, both collar-bones broken. He got to his railroad station, only seven miles from his home, and died there."

Right here, in connection with the last foregoing statement, we give the testimony of Commissary-Sergeant Riley M. Hoskinson, Father of Stuart F., who was well known, and is now well remembered by all survivors of the 73d:

"As to duty done at Columbia, I saw several of the men go off with spades. We left there near midnight; crossed a bridge; then camped till daylight, when some shells were thrown among us. The men marched at side of the road and some distance from it. We arrived at Spring Hill early in the afternoon; did not see any obstructions. We left Spring Hill for Franklin before daylight. The 73d were what was called rear guard. About three o'clock P. M., I was ordered to cross the Harpeth River, draw rations, and stay by them till ordered away. We left the works about midnight. We reached Nashville at about three o'clock

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P. M. next day. Saw but little of the battle. About three o'clock P. M., Major Motherspaw said to me: ‘Sergeant Hoskinson, gather all the bummers you can find, and go across the river and draw three days' rations, and stay by them till we come for them.’ By the time I had collected some twenty men, the battle had begun, and musket-balls were rattling like hail-stones against the frame houses. By the time I got to the river I had not a man with me; I never knew what became of them. When I came to the bridge, a guard stationed there would not let me cross over for about an hour. Finally they let me go over, and I collected the rations the best I could, and piled the cracker-boxes into a small breastwork, and sat down behind it, where I stayed, listening to the awful combat till about midnight, when Captain Ingersoll and a few others came and carried away a small portion of the rations. Captain Ingersoll said to me: ‘Sergeant, your son is killed; he is shot through the lungs and is bleeding from his mouth and nose.’ We then started off on a rapid march, I knew not whither. Marched all night and until three o'clock; next day came in sight of Nashville. Having slept scarcely any at Columbia, none at Spring Hill, and none at Franklin, we would fall asleep as we marched along, and knock against each other. Arriving at Nashville, I was ordered to take men and go for beef about half a mile distant. Captain Burroughs told me ‘to let it go,’ as he would not send the tired men after it. I then drew a few rations at three different points, and some codfish and whisky at another. Then I hastily put up my dog-tent, drank about half a tea-cup of whisky, lay down, and did not awaken until nine A. M. next day,"

W. B. Ward, of Company B, 73d Illinois, and David N. Alexander, of same company, have each contributed some testimony, generally corroborative of that already shown herein. W. B. Ward, nicknamed "Gunboat," lives near Fairbury, Illinois, and David N. Alexander lives at Mound City, Kansas. If the enemy found we had a "Gun-boat" at Spring Hill, that may help to account for his failure to better improve his opportunity for dealing our forces a destructive blow there. After answering questions, "Gun-boat" adds:

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"This is as near as I can remember. It was a long time ago, you know; but I can say the old 73d always did her duty nobly, and has never received the credit she deserved. I hope, you will have this straightened out as it ought to be."

D. N. Alexander supplements his statement by quite an additional account of the battle of Franklin, and a diagram of the field, both pretty correct, showing that he was there, and knows whereof he speaks.

Daniel Reid, sergeant of Company B, 73d Illinois Volunteers, furnishes a statement wherein he sets forth that the regiment was in front on the movement from Duck River to Spring Hill, also in the rear from Spring Hill to Franklin. After answering all the questions in the list, the sergeant proceeds, and gives at some length a description of the battle of Franklin as he saw it. We copy only a portion, as follows:

"Two of Wagner's brigades were left out in front to watch the movements of the enemy, and when the attack was made at four o'clock P. M., he held his ground quite too long, until, flanked on both sides, he was compelled to retreat. Consequently the ‘Yanks’ and ‘Rebs’ came in together, creating a panic among the new troops who were occupying the works in the vicinity of Columbia Pike. Colonel Opdycke had ordered our

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brigade under arms, and was moving from the west to the east side of the pike when the wave struck us. Major Motherspaw took in the situation, and gave the order, ‘GO FOR THEM, BOYS;’ when the regiment, as one man, sprang with a yell, and did ‘go for them,’ not stopping until the works were regained; although Opdycke sent an aid after us, yelling, ‘Stop that regiment,’ ‘Stop that regiment!’ After night, Company B was moved to a position east of the pike near the cotton-gin, where we remained until our lieutenant came to us and said, lsquo;Boys, we are left alone; keep quiet, and we will get out of here.’ Well, now, you bet we did not go out of there with a yell.... Some time on December 1, 1864, about noon, I think, we reached Nashville. A few days later our brigade was called into line, and was reviewed by General Thomas. A complimentary order was read, giving the brigade the honor of saving the day at Franklin."

From Major Huffman's statement we quote a portion of his description of the situation as it appeared to him at the time our brigade was making the countercharge and restoring our line. Huffman is the man who officiated as fife-major of the regiment for some time, until that office or rank was discontinued. He shook hands with the adjutant at Camp Butler, and was a member of Company C:

"Our brigade was ordered to retake the works. There were some inquiries like this: ‘What's the order?’ ‘Who said so?’ But all was explained when we saw the new and clean blue-coats, by the hundreds, running, and the rebs. coming over the works after them. Our company was among the first to reach the works; yet it was very hard to tell who were first, we were so badly mixed up with old soldiers going forward, new soldiers going back, and rebs. running both ways. The firing was kept up from the rebel battery and by their infantry, and also from our works. I could not tell for several minutes which were prisoners, the rebs. or ourselves; each ordering the other to surrender, and many on each side clubbing their guns and chasing each other around the houses; but after a while several hundred rebs. were marched back as prisoners. After the prisoners were put under guard, we resisted a

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number of bayonet charges, and we left the works at about ten o'clock P. M., and crossed the river."

Sergeant Edwin Robertson, of Company E, 73d Illinois, of Fairmount, Illinois, submits the following testimony:

"We arrived at Columbia, November 24, 1864. We left Duck River the morning of November 29th. We marched with the column until we were thrown out as flankers, on nearing Spring Hill; it was about noon when we arrived there. Rebel cavalry were to the right of pike, and were the only obstruction. Our position was with the brigade on the left of the line. The brigade was deployed out, with from three to five men in a place, as far as it would reach. In this position we passed the night, and started for Franklin at dawn of November 30th. The 88th Illinois were skirmishers, to the rear; the 73d was in the rear line of battle on the right of pike as we fronted south. In the line of battle at Franklin, we were to the right of the pike, by the house known as the Carter house. Went there without orders, so far as I know, and left there near midnight; reached Nashville by noon of December 1st. It is impossible to give anything like a full account of what I saw of the battle, or even the half of it. Am satisfied the 73d did its full share at the battle of Franklin."

We give below the testimony of Sergeant W. H. Bullard, of Company A, 73d Illinois, touching his personal recollections and recorded data concerning the campaign from Columbia to Nashville. As the sergeant speaks "by the card," we condense his testimony but little:

4th Ques. When did your company leave Columbia?

"Left camp, and joined column on turnpike before sunrise the morning of November 29, 1864. Camp on north side Duck River is the camp I speak of."

5th Ques. What position in the marching column did the 73d have on the way to Spring Hill?

"The regiment started at the head of column of 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, four companies detached for advance guards, and the other six taken as flankers."

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6th Ques. What time did you reach Spring Hill?

"I think, about noon of November 29, 1864."

7th Ques. What obstructions, if any, did you see in the road at or near Spring Hill?

"The enemy, one-half mile north of Spring Hill."

8th Ques. As to special duty on the march from Columbia, the sergeant's answer is:

"Companies A, F, D, and I were detached for advance guards. I was detached from Company A with several men, and ordered to take and maintain a distance of from two to four hundred yards in the advance."

9th Ques. What position did you occupy at Spring Hill?

"On arrival, Companies A and F barricaded the turnpike on north side of town, and held position until the arrival of column, then joined the regiment on the left of the line."

10th Ques. What time did you leave Spring Hill for Franklin?

"About sunrise on November 30, 1864."

11th Ques. What position did the 73d have in the marching column from Spring Hill to Franklin?

"The regiment marched in line of battle on the right of turnpike, fronting south, until within a short distance of the town of Franklin, then marched in column."

12th Ques. At what point on the battle-line were you at Franklin?

"In the Carter house yard, on the right of the Columbia turnpike, at the point where the rifle-pits joined some out-buildings."

13th Ques. By whose order did you go there?

"Heard no order, except Major Motherspaw's.

14th Ques. At what time did you leave the works?

"I think, about eleven o'clock P. M., November 30, 1864."

15th Ques. What time did you reach Nashville?

"About noon, December 1, 1864."

16th Ques. Give full account of the battle as you saw it:

"The 73d, after falling in column and passing the 2d and 3d Brigades lying behind a stone fence or wall on either side of the turnpike, halted, as did all our 1st Brigade, and stacked arms in open ground in rear of main line of intrenchments occupied by new troops attached to the 23d Army Corps. At the first onset of the enemy these new troops fled, and the line was re-established by the 1st Brigade -- our brigade -- of 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, assisted by the rallying men of the 2d and 3d Brigades of our

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division; we repulsed all attacks of the enemy, and were slowly withdrawn after ten o'clock P. M. Our brigade, while not the last, was among the last, withdrawn to the north side of the Harpeth River, and thence to Nashville."

In his letter transmitting the foregoing statement, Sergeant Bullard, describing the operations of the 73d on November 29, 1864, says:

"The column was formed on the turnpike north of Duck River, opposite Columbia, before sunrise. The 73d Illinois was at the head of the column. Before moving, the assistant adjutant-general on the brigade staff, and Wilmer, our regimental adjutant, came to the front and cut off Companies A, F, D, and I, for advance guards. You [meaning Captain Patten] were the ranking officer present.... After we were detached, the instructions, as overheard by me, were to proceed to Spring Hill, where two companies were to be deployed upon the turnpike and two upon the railroad, and catch stragglers, of whom there were many from the recruits that had been forwarded to the veteran regiments. You were further instructed to detach a non-commissioned officer and a number of men, as an advance to the advance guard. In pursuance of these instructions, I was detached from Company A, put in charge of a squad, and sent forward, with instructions to maintain a distance of two to four hundred yards in advance, and to notice particularly for any indications of the enemy. Adjutant Wilmer and Captain Lakin gave me the instructions in your presence [Captain Patten's]. I proceeded to Spring Hill without interruption, passed through town to the north side, halted, and was soon joined by Lieutenant Kiser, with Companies A and F, you having taken Companies D and I, and gone to the railroad at the depot. We then started out north of Spring Hill to deploy as skirmishers, as ordered, and, as we supposed, to catch stragglers. Before we had gone very far, a cavalryman passed and reported the rebels coming, fifteen hundred to two thousand strong; the cavalryman was considerably excited, as we were incredulous and made quite a number of slight remarks about his report; but we went but a short distance before we discovered the enemy's skirmishers advancing. Lieutenant Kiser, after a hasty consultation with several of us, decided to go back to the point where I had halted, where there was a building on each side of the turnpike. We went

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back, tore down some rail fences, and constructed a barricade across the turnpike. About the time we had completed it, General Wagner and staff rode up to us with the salutation of ‘What does this mean?’ Kiser, pointing to the enemy's advancing skirmishers, said, ‘That is what it means.’ General Wagner's only reply was to the bugler, to ‘sound double-quick.’ A few minutes later the head of the column came up, panting, and deployed, facing east. But instead of the remaining six companies of the 73d being in front, they had been deployed as flankers on the right, and I think the 44th was at the head of the column. We remained where we were until the assault by the Confederate cavalry column was repulsed by the fire of the 73d, as skirmishers, combined with that of the batteries. I feel good yet when I think how coolly those six companies of the 73d stood there in that open field east of town, and stubbornly fired into that advancing column, that looked to us like it would ride them down. After that repulse we were ordered to join the regiment, and did so, and took a position out north-east of town. I do not know where you, with Companies D and I, rejoined the regiment."

Now, that is a plain, simple, and truthful statement by the sergeant who had charge of the advance squad. The statement was not made for publication either; but we give it for the truth it contains, as it is founded on memoranda, made at the time -- while the events were fresh and hot, so to speak.

J. D. Remington, Company I, 73d Illinois, submits answers to questions propounded, which answers, with very few exceptions, agree with other statements appearing herein. In response to the sixteenth interrogatory, or request, Comrade Remington says:

"After we got inside our lines we formed to the rear, or just north of the Carter house, and were ordered to get something to eat, as we had been too busy to eat since leaving Spring Hill; but before many of us got supper we were ordered by Major Motherspaw to fix bayonets, and prepare for a charge, and in less than two minutes he gave this order, ‘73d, charge bayonets,’ and when we started the rest of the brigade started too."

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This would seem to corroborate or support the claim that of Opdycke's brigade, the 73d Illinois initiated, was at the very beginning of, the movement which carried the brigade into the open and rapidly widening breach in our front line. Remington further states:

"Before we reached our line we met troops retreating at break-neck speed. The enemy was in possession of a Federal battery and our breastworks.... This took place at the old log stable.... The artillerymen returned with us to their guns, and fired on the retreating Confederates, but they did not all retreat, for we had it rough and tumble for a while; in fact, it was a regular knock-down, but we did not take time to drag them out. In about five minutes (I think it was) after we reached our works, we had full possession of them, and they charged us twice more, and were handsomely repulsed both times."

Remington describes the battle at some length, making the number of assaults made by the enemy before dark three, and the number made after dark at least four. He tells how, in the second assault, he captured a Confederate flag, being compelled to kill the brave rebel soldier having it in charge; how he came to deliver it to an officer of the 125th Ohio, who unjustly and wrongfully refused next day to return to Remington his well-earned trophy, but appropriated it, and claimed it was captured by his own regiment. Remington corroborates the statement that the Confederate General, Pat Cleburne, was killed on the works manned by the 73d Illinois, and states that Cleburne's last words were: "Men, follow me into Franklin or hell." Concluding his statement, Remington says:

"I was in the battles of Perryville, Stone River, Chickamauga, Missionary Ridge, the East Tennessee campaign, and all through the Atlanta campaign. I was at Spring Hill, Franklin, and last, but not least, Nashville; but Franklin was the hardest, bloodiest

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and most wicked fight I was ever in; in fact, it was the only time I ever saw the bayonet and butts of muskets used; and, let me tell you, both were used freely there."

William G. Miller and Joseph O. Joy, the latter chief bugler of the 73d, and both members of Company I, unite in a statement of the same general tenor as that of Remington. In answer to the eighth question they specifically state that "Company I was detailed as advance guard from Columbia to Spring Hill. Captain Patten was the officer in command." The statement concurred in, and signed by two comrades, puts the 73d in the very forefront of the army on the movement from Duck River to Spring Hill. It corroborates Sergeant Bullard's statement to all intents and purposes. It also makes the 73d to constitute a part of the rear guard of the army, November 30, 1864, from Spring Hill to Franklin. All that the statement contains touching the battle of Franklin is substantially embraced in more than one of the other statements hereinbefore given.

The first lieutenant of Company I, Adna Phelps, has prepared a paper in which he clearly sets forth his recollections of the campaign, and movement from Columbia to Nashville. We give it entire:

"SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 16, 1889.

WM. H. NEWLIN, late First Lieutenant 73d Illinois Volunteers:

"DEAR SIR, -- Agreeably to your request, I herein give my version of the part borne by 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, and more especially that of the 73d Regiment, Illinois Volunteer Infantry, from the morning of the 29th of November, 1864, to the morning of December 1st, of which regiment you and I were proud of the fact that we were humble members and participants in its glorious achievements. This account will deal especially with the part taken by the said regiment in our

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retreat from Columbia, Tennessee, and the actions at Spring Hill and Franklin, and of which history, so far as I have read, has, I think, omitted to give us the full credit we are entitled to for the part we bore in the battle of Franklin. I shall, however, have to trust to memory, and I do not think it will fail me here, as the events as I saw them are so indelibly fixed in my mind as to seem to have transpired but a few months since. On the morning of November 29, 1864, our army started to fall back from Columbia, Tennessee -- at which point we had been maneuvering for several days -- towards Nashville, Tennessee, our brigade in the advance, with the 73d in the advance of the brigade, right in front.

Soon after starting, orders came to detach the four right companies, A, F, D, and I, to push on with all possible speed to Spring Hill, and take such position on the roads north of the town as to stop everything from going back farther towards Nashville. In passing through the town I observed a small body of infantry, probably an outpost drawn in, and a small body of cavalrymen on the outskirts. Our guards had hardly been placed in their positions across the rail and wagon roads, when a force of rebel cavalry commenced skirmishing with ours. The firing grew hotter, and from our point of view we could see them making a charge on our small force, with the evident intention of entering the town; and for a few moments felt that we were in great danger of being cut off from the rest of our army, and probably have to fight for dear life to escape being captured, as their forces seemed to be increasing in numbers. Soon the firing became so heavy that we knew it was not merely skirmish firing, but that a battle was in progress, and that the rebels were giving way. A few moments later our adjutant came to us with orders to join our regiment on the skirmish-line near the road, which position we occupied all night, during which our trains, artillery, and the main army passed along towards Franklin, while our brigade was left as rear guard, with orders to move at daylight, after destroying any public property that might be left, but did not get fully formed until sunrise. Our brigade was formed in line of battle stretching across the road, and out on each side, in which position we fell back nearly to Franklin, closely followed by the rebel skirmishers, who kept popping away at us at every opportunity, without much, if any, effect except to waste ammunition. Reaching the vicinity of Franklin, our march was changed to a march in column, in which we reached our outer skirmish-line, when our order of march was

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reversed, and we marched back towards the rebels and were drawn up to the top of an eminence, where we could distinctly see the rebels forming their lines of battle and the glistening of their arms in the bright sunlight, as they came from a right-shoulder shift to a shoulder, and dressed up in line.

"We were, however, soon withdrawn and entered inside our works and back a short distance to the rear, where the 73d took a position behind Carter's Hill, on the left of the pike, while the rest of the brigade took position on the opposite side leading north. Our orders were to prepare our dinners and be in readiness to cross the river -- not then knowing that the only river some of our brave boys would pass would be the river of death. Not all, perhaps, had partaken of their coffee and hard-tack before a mighty avalanche, as it were, broke upon our outer line and swept it from the field; for the rebels, without any preliminaries or waiting for their artillery, were confident in their overwhelming numbers and the weakness of our unfinished lines, that they could overwhelm us in a single charge with their infantry, as indeed they came near doing; but a lion, as it were, in the shape of Opdycke's brigade -- "Tigers," as the 1st Brigade, 2d Division, 4th Army Corps, was afterwards dubbed -- was roused from his lair, and at sight of the confusion and demoralization consequent upon the rebel charge, became uncontrollable, or at least that was the case with the 73d. The men saw the disaster to our front line, and, rushing for their arms, called upon Major Motherspaw, our commander, to lead them in. After waiting a moment for orders, and as none came, he gave the command, ‘Forward, double quick, MARCH;’ when the men seemed to vie with each other as to which should be first at the breach. That was the last order I recollect hearing, as it was each man for himself after that, and on his own hook, too. Between our starting point and the works was a southern fence, built of cedar-stakes driven into the ground and a board nailed on them near the top. While making passages through this fence, Captain Jones, of Company D, was struck by a ball in the leg, and fell by my side. On reaching the works we found the rebels in part possession, and had to drive them back with the bayonet and butts of the rifles, which we soon accomplished; and the artillerymen who had left upon being deserted by their supports, returned to their posts, and as they worked and fell at their pieces, those of us who could, helped to work the

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guns as long as enough were left to charge them. I think the piece nearest me lost every man in killed and wounded.

"Writers and historians have told of the battle in general, so I will turn my attention to a matter of interest to our brigade, and especially to the 73d Illinois, which they, so far as I know, have failed to mention. A few days after going into camp at Nashville I received orders, as acting adjutant (Adjutant Wilmer having been killed) of the regiment, which position I was requested to fill by Captain W. Burroughs, commanding regiment (Major Motherspaw having been mortally wounded in the battle), to muster the regiment to receive General George H. Thomas, who would visit the brigade in person to present his compliments. The 73d was in camp a short distance from the other regiments, and was formed by itself. After visiting the rest of the brigade, he came to our regiment, and complimented it highly. I can not, perhaps, recollect the exact words, but he stated that from what he had heard, he had to give our brigade, and more especially the 73d Illinois, the credit of the victory of our army at Franklin. This is something I have wondered has not been mentioned, and have left it to abler pens than mine to chronicle; but as they have not done so, it is perhaps my place to do so, as I mustered the regiment myself to receive General Thomas."

In some way, one or more statements we received bearing upon these same points were misplaced, lost, or destroyed before being incorporated in this chapter, as intended. We remember particularly the statement of Joseph Cunningham, of Company G, but we think the points embraced in his statement are covered, perhaps, by one or more of the others.

Joseph Cunningham, of Company G; of Conway, Laclede County, Missouri, has furnished a second statement -- first having been lost -- which we condense somewhat, as follows:

"As we fell back from Duck River, the 73d had the advance. Before reaching Spring Hill the left wing of the regiment deployed as skirmishers, advanced beyond the town, and struck a small creek, where we had a severe skirmish. The right wing of the

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regiment (except Company C, which was with the left wing) was off north of Spring Hill at points on the pike and railroad. Two Company G comrades were wounded in the skirmish -- William T. Purnell and James F. Tolle. We were on picket during the night of November 29th. Next morning our brigade was assigned to do duty as rear guard, part on the skirmish-line and the balance in close supporting distance, marching in line of battle, over hills, hollows, creeks, and other obstacles, to Franklin. The rebels crowded the skirmishers pretty closely, and we had to help hold the rebels back several times. When near Franklin, a Company B man was wounded in the knapsack. When we reached Franklin we were placed on the reserve line, and told we could get dinner, and then go to Nashville on the cars. Just before dinner was ready, Hood attacked our works and took them, in our front. We fell in, seized our guns, charged up, and retook the works, and held them until the fight ended. Our position was just to the right of the pike as we faced southward. There was one incident happened during the fight, after night, I would like to see explained. We could hear men forming in our front, and we were getting ready to fire on them, when an officer came along and told us not to fire on them, as they were our men, etc. This officer was a large man with long whiskers. About the same time a lot of rubbish in our front caught fire, the light showed not our men, but rebels. I tell you, we made them ‘get’ in a hurry, now. Who was that officer?"

All the foregoing statements are fully and graphically corroborated in their leading features by the following account by Captain Patten:

"THE CAMPAIGN OF FRANKLIN.

"In all histories or written accounts of battles we find one or more heroes; and almost invariably that hero is a commanding general, or an officer high in command. In what I may say in regard to the part taken by the 73d Illinois Infantry in the campaign of Franklin, Tennessee, I shall endeavor to confine myself to the rank and file as to what was done, and

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perhaps to those holding commands over them as to what they did not do. Shall also try to note what seemed to me, at the time, mistakes of the enemy. I do not wish to be understood as desiring in any way to reflect upon the ability, valor, or personal bravery of a single officer holding command in the Union army that was engaged in that campaign. A person who should at this day attempt such a thing would deservedly subject himself to the ridicule and just condemnation of loyal citizens. No, I have too high a veneration for the memory of the immortal Thomas, the gallant Stanley, the heroic Wagner, and the dauntless Opdycke, as well as the men who defeated Hood at Franklin, and thereby made it possible to accomplish at Nashville what is hardly recorded elsewhere in the history of warfare; viz., the utter annihilation of one army by another in an open field, when the two armies were very nearly evenly matched as to numbers. This is what Thomas's army did for Hood's at Nashville.

"In the fall of 1864, General Schofield, with the 23d Army Corps and a portion of the 4th Army Corps, was on the north side of Duck River, at Columbia, Tennessee. Hood was on the south side of the river, attempting to cross. On the morning of November 29th it became evident that Hood had affected a crossing to our left, and by forced march was endeavoring to reach our rear and place himself between us and our base of supplies -- Nashville.

"The 73d was on picket duty on the night of November 28th. On the morning of the 29th the brigade was commanded to march at an early hour. The order of march was the 73d in advance, right in front. After reaching the pike leading north towards Spring Hill, Captain Patten, of Company I, as the ranking officer, received orders to take the four right companies (A, F, D, and I) and proceed northward as an advance guard, with no instructions whatever as to the enemy. The only orders Captain Patten received were verbally given by Captain Lakin, assistant acting adjutant-general of brigade, and were to ‘allow no stragglers to pass us going north.’ Captain Lakin also said: ‘Move on rapidly until you get in the neighborhood of one-fourth of a mile in advance of us, when you will take what would be a good marching gait for a column to move at.’ These instructions were carried out.

"When about four or five miles on the march the officer in command of this advance guard fell in with a small boy living in

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the neighborhood, who, after having been twitted of being a rebel -- Yanks in those days were in the habit of poking fun at such boys -- replied: ‘Yes, I am a rebel, and you all will soon find more rebels than you will like to see.’ In the course of the conversation it came out that there had been a squad of rebel cavalry to our right in close proximity to the road along which we were marching. A squad of men, under Sergeant Bullard, was then advanced some two or three hundred yards, and word sent to Colonel Opdycke. An orderly soon returned from Colonel Opdycke to give protection to an ambulance train that we would find near Spring Hill, putting wounded soldiers and hospital stores on a railroad train. Upon arriving at Spring Hill, a portion of the guard moved directly through the town to a rise of ground just in the northern outskirts. A sort of rail barricade was there constructed, and here this portion of the guard awaited the return of the balance of the command, whom Captain Patten had taken to the west of town to ascertain if the ambulance train needed assistance. From these ambulance men it was learned that quite a force of rebel cavalry had been seen about one-half mile north of town within the last half hour. The force then with Patten was moved in a skirmish-line in what seemed to be a north-easterly direction across some open fields. The movement was so directed as to have the right of the line join the left of Companies A and F, who were already in line across the pike north of town. As the line neared the pike a squad of the enemy's cavalry was found dismounted and protected toward the south by a rail barricade extending across the pike. Our coming in on their right flank seemed to demoralize them, and, after the exchange of a few shots, they hastily withdrew to the east of the pike, and made no further effort to occupy the road north of town that night. Companies D and I occupied the enemy's rail barricade until after dark, when a force of the 23d Corps arrived, cleared the barricade which had been constructed by Companies A and F, and also the one taken from the rebel cavalry, and the movement towards Franklin was resumed. Meanwhile Companies D and I were moved by the right flank in skirmish-line until the left rested on the pike, facing north. In this position they remained all night. Every man on duty, with no relief. There was a short space between the line thus formed and the left of the regiment when it came in as flankers to the main column and took its position under orders from Colonel Opdycke.

"The 73d, after leaving Columbia, marched at the head of the

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column until General Wagner received word from the advance guard that the enemy was reported near the road in advance. The 73d was then thrown out as flankers to the east of the pike, and marched in that position to Spring Hill. When General Wagner received the word that the advance guard had encountered the enemy north of Spring Hill, he ordered the main column up on double-quick, and advanced the 73d to the east as skirmishers until they were nearly or quite one-half mile east of the pike, then sent them by the left flank as flankers, and thus they gained their position at Spring Hill shortly before dark. Finding their left exposed, it was thrown back or refused somewhat, and lay in this position during the night and until near sunrise of November 30th. It will be observed that at this time the regiment had been continuously on duty for forty-eight hours, having gone on picket duty at Columbia on the morning of the 28th.

"During the night at Spring Hill no fires could be lighted, owing to the close proximity of the enemy. On the right, shots were occasionally exchanged during the night. At places on the line we were so near the enemy that the ordinary conversation of the camp could be readily overheard. To say that night was one of terrible suspense would indeed be putting it mildly. There, in full view, was the whole of Hood's army -- the army that had for one hundred days withstood the combined skill of Sherman, Thomas, McPherson, Hooker, and a host of other master military minds, backed by the Armies of the Cumberland, Tennessee, and Ohio, massed and ready to fall upon us. And what were we? How were we prepared to meet such an attack as the enemy was ready to make? Let us see; as the 73d filed into position it had no reserve or support. As the line extended south it was supposed the danger increased; therefore it was strengthened, first to a single battle-line; then as it extended south and west to near the pike -- perhaps a mile and a half south of town -- it became a double battle-line, with the customary supports. But there were only the troops of the 4th Corps in line at any time, and they only so long as the 23d Corps was passing through, which they did without a halt. As soon as the right of the 4th Corps had arrived and taken its position in line, the 23d Corps began to arrive from Columbia, and passed on through Spring Hill toward Franklin, scarcely halting.

Now note the situation. The 4th Corps formed in a sort of semicircle on the east side of the pike, with the little town of

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Spring Hill in the rear of about the center. The trains of the corps had been coming in, accompanied by thousands of refugees, both white and black. Some came in fine family carriages, others in wagons and carts and every conceivable kind of vehicle, while still others walked and carried all their earthly possessions. These were with our immense train of commissary and quartermaster stores, camp and garrison equipage, and artillery. This conglomeration was all inside the semicircle already described. What the result would have been had Hood at this time attacked us, can only be surmised. That he did not, was one of the unfortunate blunders of his life, and one of the most fortunate things in the history of the 4th Corps. As soon as the rear of the 23d Corps had passed, this immense conglomeration, known as an army-train, commenced to move out toward Franklin; and as soon as the train had all moved out, the troops were cautiously withdrawn, beginning at the extreme right, or south of the line, and by daylight, on the morning of the 30th, all had moved out except the 1st Brigade of the 2d Division, designated as rear guard.

"The order of march to Franklin was for two regiments to form in battle-line opposite each other on the pike, with the right of one regiment resting on the pike, and joining the left of the other regiment, facing south. The other four regiments of the brigade formed in the same manner, except that the second two formed several rods to the rear of the first two, while the third two were several rods to the rear of the second two -- all facing south.

"When everything had left Spring Hill, the 1st Brigade formed in the above described manner, and awaited orders. A more successful withdrawal of troops in the face of an enemy can hardly be conceived. There was not a man, a mule, or a dollar's worth of property left behind. When the 73d formed in line of battle north of Spring Hill, November 30th, facing south, she looked upon a town that was about as completely stripped as it was ever its fortune or misfortune to see. When the marching order came, the 73d, with its accompanying regiment, was "about faced," marched through the ranks and a few rods to the rear of the third line of battle, halted, faced to the south, and there waited until the other two lines had been withdrawn in the same manner. This movement was repeated until within two or three miles of Franklin. Nearly every time the 73d was in the rear line it had a little brush with the enemy's cavalry. Several times during the day the firing became quite brisk.

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"About two miles out from Franklin the brigade was halted on an eminence overlooking the town of Franklin, which was then a straggling town of perhaps five to eight hundred inhabitants. It is situated in a sharp bend of the Harpeth River. Just around the suburbs of the town, with the left resting on the river above and the right on the river below, the 23d Corps had hastily constructed a line of breastworks facing south. These temporary works had been thrown up so that a few troops might be sufficient to protect the two bridges while the immense train was slowly passing over them. Everything going towards Nashville had to cross on these two frail bridges, one of which was a pontoon; hence the importance of protecting them. Should Hood succeed in cutting these bridges, all left south of the Harpeth was lost to the Federal cause. Hood realized this readily.

"After remaining on and about the hills south of town for an hour or two, the 1st Brigade moved along the pike into town. The 73d filed to the left of the pike, and stacked arms about one hundred yards to rear and north of the breastworks, just north of the Carter house and outbuildings, gardens, yards, etc. The regiment faced to the north or rear. This shows that no orders were received as to position, or that those who gave the orders had no expectation of an attack. This position was reached about 3 P. M., and permission given to ‘cook coffee.’ This was the first opportunity of the kind offered since going on picket at Columbia on the morning of the 28th. Very few had any coffee to cook, as the time had already arrived when rations should have been issued. As was the custom with soldiers when tired and hungry, they went through the motions even if they had no coffee. Very soon little smokes were seen rising here and there in rear (south) of the stacks of guns. Some had got their coffee to boil, while others who had no coffee had put in the time calling the commissary sergeant (Hoskinson) pet names, with very emphatic adjectives, and discussing the situation.

"There has arisen a great amount of discussion as to who was in command of the field at Franklin at this time, and who it was that assigned the troops to their positions in line and in reserve. General Cox seems to have conceived the idea that he was the officer in charge of the ‘battle-line.’ General Stanley construes General Cox's authority as that of an 'orderly or aid' to General Schofield, with instructions to guide the incoming troops, or assist them in finding the particular positions assigned them in the line.

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One thing seems evident from all information obtainable, that neither Schofield nor any of his immediate associates realized the possibility of such an attack as Hood very soon made a most terrible reality. It would seem to a disinterested person who should study the situation that the officer who had the least to do with it deserved the most credit; for surely, with the exception of locating the main line of works, it was the most complete failure on the part of commanding officers the 73d ever witnessed during its three years' service. In the first place, General Cox claims to have been in command, and had the assigning to position the troops as they came in. If this is so, does General Cox want to assume the responsibility of the disaster attending the posting of the 2d and 3d Brigades of Wagner's division in an open field, some three or four hundred yards in front of the center of the main line of works, with both flanks exposed, and no possible chance of saving themselves when attacked with such fury as they were shortly to be? To say that these brigades disobeyed orders, and stayed out too long, will not excuse the blunder. If these brigades had fallen back at the first uncovering of the enemy, the result could have been but little different. They were too far in advance of the main battle-line, and the onslaught of the enemy was so fierce and rapid that confusion and disaster must have resulted from an attempt to withdraw two brigades under such a fire for eighty rods, and in the face of such a multitude as was thrown against them. Then, again, if General Cox assigned the troops to their positions in line, why did he place troops at the critical point on the line who did not know from experience the value of breastworks, and that the safest place on such a field was close behind the works? There were troops of that kind on the field, and eventually they had to go there, or General Cox and all his ‘field orders’ would have gone for naught.

"There were hundreds of men in the 2d and 3d Brigades of Wagner's Division that could have, and would, had the opportunity presented, have told General Cox or any other officer issuing such an order that their position was too far in advance. The troops in the main line of works could observe the movements of the enemy just as easily as those of the brigades out in front, as the field was perfectly clear. Does General Cox want to take the responsibility for what happened to these men? or can it be possible that he had fears as to the sticking qualities of his command, and therefore saw fit to sacrifice those two brigades, that the

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shock of the charge might be broken before it reached his men? If the 2d and 3d Brigades of Wagner's division did not rally in the works after their retreat from the outpost (as General Cox asserts), how does it occur that seventy-five per cent of their losses occurred inside the main line of works? They did rally, and were one of the main features of the impenetrable bulwark that withstood the repeated onslaughts of Hood's concentrated masses.

"Then, again, does General Cox want to assume the responsibility of having ‘ordered’ the 1st Brigade of Wagner's division into position, faced to the rear? The facts in the case are that those in immediate command did not realize the situation as fully as did many of the men who had been on the picket and skirmish line during the last three days. For this reason few orders were given, and but little attention given to see that these were obeyed. Stanley and Schofield were across the river; so were Wagner and Cox, for all the 73d knew. We received no orders. It has been said that Stanley ordered Opdycke to move his men forward -- backward -- to the works. It has also been said that General Cox rode up to Opdycke on the pike and ordered him to take his brigade into the breach at the Carter house, and that Opdycke then moved his brigade to the works, and recaptured them. We are not speaking for other regiments of the brigade, or for other brigades; but one thing is certain, the 73d Illinois got no orders after stacking arms in the rear of the Carter house on the afternoon of November 30th until the order came to evacuate the works about 10.30 or 11 P. M.

"The regiment was startled from its coffee and cursing by a vigorous charge of the enemy on our center and rear. Without one command, and but very little excitement -- by mutual consent, and almost as one man -- the regiment went to their guns, took them out of the stacks, and faced front. Here they seemed to stop and consider a moment, and for a moment only. During that pause every man seemed to have taken in the whole situation. Men who had carried axes, spades, and picks, in addition to their other accouterments, on the Atlanta campaign, and had learned to use them so effectually, had not failed to fully understand the value of a good line of breastworks in an emergency like the one now upon them. In their present position they were exposed to the enemy's fire, and the balls were even now falling in goodly numbers. To go to the rear was only folly, and would result in drowning or capture. In our front, between us and the works,

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were two paling fences, the most formidable of which was heavy oak-paling nailed to heavy oak stringers with large nails, and on the side on which we must approach. Beyond this was what every man in the regiment knew was the safest place on that field -- the breastworks. Without hesitating one moment, and, as I believe, every man in the regiment, with a yell and a bound they went for the works. By the time they reached the oak-paling fence the balls of the enemy were striking very fast, and reminded one of a boy rattling a stick on a picket-fence as he runs along it. The getting over or through that fence in the face of that fire was one of the most, if not the most, terrible experiences the 73d Regiment ever had. They were seemingly powerless. It was too high to climb over; the palings were so thick they could not be broken with the butt of the gun or the foot in kicking, and the nails were so large and so firmly fixed in the heavy oak bars that it seemed impossible to get through. After what seemed an age, a breach was made.

"Description or imagination is hardly equal to the task of picturing the scene at this time. The men from the 2d and 3d Brigades had reached the works in their retreat, and were coming over like sheep, while here and there were ‘Johnnies’ mixed among them, and they were fighting and shouting as they ran. The men in the works had become panic-stricken, and were leaving their places in hot haste. The artillery men and horses had become overpowered by the grand rush to the rear. This, added to the shouts, yells, and wails of the fleeing and wounded, and the mild (?) epithets that were applied to them by the 73d boys as they crowded and bayoneted their way to the front, and the thick-flying shot and bursting shell of friend and foe, was beyond description. The contending elements of hell turned loose would seem almost as a Methodist love-feast compared to the pandemonium that reigned there for the space of ten or twenty minutes. The scenes that were witnessed during that short space of time were so indelibly stamped upon the minds of the participants that even a long life spent in peaceful pursuits will not suffice to erase or even dim them. When the wild mob and confusion had passed, it took the 73d but a twinkling to bayonet or club such rebels as had gained the inside of the works and refused to surrender.

"We were very soon firmly established inside the works, and we were there to stay. If there was a man in the charging column

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that went to those works with any intention of ever leaving while the battle lasted, he has kept it to himself. At this time in the war every man in the 73d had become an accomplished soldier. Each one in his way was a philosopher, and had taken in the situation from the start, and had made his arrangements accordingly. He knew that battle had to be won, or every man in the command would suffer, and each one went into the fight with the distinct understanding that he was going to stay and win. Did they do it?

"Before the regiment had reached the works they had captured and sent to the rear several prisoners, two of whom were color-bearers. They also recaptured the colors of one of the regiments that had been driven from the works. By the time they reached the works the enemy was coming over in large numbers, and as we were in such close quarters any who refused to surrender had to be persuaded from the error of their way by an application of the bayonet or clubbed musket -- both of which were freely used. When the first charging column had been thus disposed of, a short breathing spell was taken advantage of to load guns, throw some of the dead and wounded out of the way, and prepare for the next onslaught. This came quickly, but the enemy succeeded only in reaching the top of our works again, and were forced to surrender or fare worse. Many crouched down close under the works on the outside, and were brought in through the gap in the works at the pike later on. Some five or six distinct charges were made at the point in the works where the 73d lay after it gained its position, but each time the charge seemed less furious, and by eight or nine o'clock the boys commenced shouting over to them to come on if they wanted any more of the same sort.

"The incidents of personal courage and brave daring of the men of the 73d on that occasion could not be written in a lifetime. As I have intimated before, every man was his own commander, and he was a major-general at that. I can not let this opportunity pass without saying that I believe there should have been at least one hundred men of the 73d Regiment given promotion for their personal daring and cool courage on that terrible field. At that time it would only have required the asking of the commanding officer to have secured this; but the 73d, with its hundreds of cases of the most heroic bravery, went out of the service with a brevet commission bestowed upon only one of its members,

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and that came through the recommendation of the brave and gallant Opdycke.

"After arriving at the works, the 73d arranged itself for work without orders from anybody. Immediately in its rear were found two pieces of artillery, from which the men had been carried away in the stampede. An artilleryman was found who could load the pieces, and men volunteered to assist, and soon the cannon were being worked as rapidly as possible. The ammunition was found some yards to the left and rear. In bringing this to the guns a very exposed position had to be passed, but men were ready to dare anything to win this fight. About forty-five rounds for each piece of artillery were brought by one man, and all used in the course of the fight. Noble, brave, quiet Adjutant Wilmer put his whole soul into the working of those guns, and while looking through a space between the logs to ascertain the exact position at which to aim the cannon, he was shot in the neck and instantly killed. The 73d lost no nobler or braver man than Wilmer, but it would be impossible to do justice to individual cases of heroism.

"At the battle of Franklin every man in the 73d was a hero. The weeding and sifting process had long since ceased, and every man left was a soldier in the fullest sense of the word, and every one of their names should be emblazoned on tablets of gold, and placed where all might read. These are the men who saved the day at Franklin. The killed and fatally wounded, as reported at the time, were: Major Motherspaw, commanding regiment; Adjutant Wm. R. Wilmer; First Sergeant Dick Scott, of Company B; Gil Harbison, of Company B; Jos. A. Allison, of Company C; J. D. Branch, of Company D; S. Orwig, of Company G; Tom Biddle, of Company H. The full list of wounded is not accessible, but the following were among the wounded: Captain Jones, of D; Lieutenant Kiser, of A; Joe Regan, and Stewart Hoskinson.

"Among the killed at Franklin was a strange and noble character in the person of Gil Harbison, of Company B. His home was in Delavan, Illinois, where he had been raised on a farm. At the breaking out of the war he was in Cincinnati, Ohio, taking a course at some theological school. One day, while on the street, he saw some of his Illinois acquaintances marching past in the 73d. He fell in with them, and marched on until the battle of Franklin. Although a strict Baptist and a consistent Christian, he chose reckless Joe Isenburg as his ‘pard.’ At Kenesaw Mountain Joe

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was treacherously shot while carrying water on the picket-line -- a duty which, by mutual consent of both pickets, had been performed unmolested. Gil Harbison then and there, on his bended knees, over his wounded partner -- who soon died -- swore by the highest authority he called upon that he would be avenged. He sent for a Henry rifle, and from that time forward Gil Harbison could, at night or day, be found as often as elsewhere on or beyond the picket-line. During the night at Spring Hill he seemed to be in his glory, and during the short rest in the rear of the lines at Franklin he remarked to a comrade that he was abundantly satisfied with the way the account of Joe Isenburg stood. Very soon after this he was shot in the head and immediately killed.

"As the night advanced, and the charges made by the enemy increased in number, they decreased in fury. By ten o'clock it would seem to a close observer from our lines that it was hardly possible for the officers to rally the men to make even a semblance of an assault. When they did make a move in our direction, they were met with such a galling fire that they soon returned, and by 10.30 all was quiet in our front, except the wails and moans of the dying, the number of which has never yet been told. An idea of the terrible slaughter may be obtained, however, from the fact that every general officer in Hood's army was either killed or wounded except one. In the desperation of the rebel commanders they rode at the head of the charging columns right up to our works. One major-general and his horse fell inside the lines of the 73d, both horse and rider dead. These men certainly showed bravery worthy of a better cause.

"At about eleven o'clock our lines were ordered to be quietly withdrawn. The dead were left where they fell, and the wounded, with some exceptions, brought away. Our trains had all crossed the river, and we were soon once more in line of march for Nashville. Weary, hungry, and sleepy, less loyal or resolute men would have given up in despair. Not so with these men; they lost sight of self in their intense loyalty to the cause they were fighting for. Reeling, staggering, stumbling, still plodding on in a semi-conscious state, now and then being aroused somewhat by coming in contact with some obstacle, the column drags on through those long weary hours of the night of November 30th and the morning of December 1st, until finally, at about 11.30, they pass inside the defenses around Nashville. It is then that these men with loyal hearts as big as bushel baskets, with wills made of the firmest cast-iron,

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and muscles and sinews of the finest tempered steel, at last have to surrender at the command of nature. She will no longer be denied her just demands, and they throw themselves upon the ground that December day, many of them without even removing their accouterments, and fall into a sleep from which they can not be awakened for twenty-four hours, and in many cases all efforts fail to arouse them until thirty hours had elapsed.

"While they sleep, let us see of what they are composed. Certainly they must have been perfect specimens of physical strength, or they could not have withstood the fatigue of those seventy-two hours of continuous duty, marching and fighting, without relief. No; surely, there were no hospital pimps or members of the quinine brigade among them. Then what about their loyalty to the cause for which they put forth this tremendous effort? We defy the annals of recorded history to produce an instance of more devoted loyalty to, or heroic defense of, a cause than these men showed during those terrible seventy-two hours. And still we are told that these men have and are receiving all they deserve from the hands of the Nation they saved from utter ruin. Our beloved ‘Pap’ Thomas said, in speaking of the 1st Brigade, ‘They saved the day at Franklin, and thereby saved this army.’

"Thus ended the Franklin campaign."

From a recent article by John K. Shellenberger, of Humboldt, Iowa, we extract the following, explaining just how Opdycke's brigade came to be posted in reserve:

"The circumstances under which Opdycke took up that position were perfectly well known to General Cox and General Schofield, and yet Cox in his book, and Schofield in his paper, have stated the case in a manner deliberately intended to give the impression to the ordinary reader that Opdycke went into reserve in obedience to orders. This is what Opdycke himself had to say on this point:

" ‘My brigade was the rear guard from Spring Hill, and, as I was moving on the Columbia pike, I came to where Lane's and Conrad's brigades were in position, in perfect exposure, on the plain. Wagner rode to me, and ordered me into line with them. I energetically objected to having troops out there where they

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were in serious exposure, and where they could aid the enemy and nobody else. Wagner rode on with me as I was urging my objections (for I did not even halt), and when we reached the main line at Carter's Hill there was no room for more troops, and so we rode on till we came to the open space, where we had arms stacked. Wagner then (i. e., before arms were stacked) said to me: "Now, Opdycke, fight when and where you think best. I may not see you again." I did not see him again, and that was the only order I received till General Cox ordered me to retire after the battle.’

"In a letter to me, commenting on General Cox's book when it first came out, General Opdycke used this vigorous language: ‘The 23d Corps people have been for nearly twenty years endeavoring to close the fatal gap opened by them, and Cox has, with his pen [he could not do it with the 23d Corps on the 30th of November, 1864], got the thing almost done without my brigade. He ignores the fact that a few minutes after my men closed the gap, he came to me and said: "Opdycke, that charge saved the day."’

"‘It is utterly false to say I was put in reserve, for I went there myself, without order or suggestion from any one. I would have been out where your brigade was, in useless and extreme exposure, if I had not most energetically opposed being thus falsely placed. What would have become of the 23d Corps, Schofield, Cox, and all, if I had been out with Lane and Conrad, instead of where I was?’ "

We could present more evidence, uniform with all the foregoing -- evidence in proof of the same facts, and fully and farther sustaining our claims. We forbear, this chapter having lengthened out beyond our expectation. It is an admitted fact that Opdycke's brigade was posted in reserve at Franklin. Its conduct there, the part performed by it at a certain stage of the battle, when defeat, ruinous and overwhelming disaster, were imminent, brought its commander to the notice of the commanding general. Major-General George H. Thomas recommended the promotion of Colonel Opdycke. The grounds for such recommendation were indorsed

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on the back thereof by General Thomas, and read as follows:

"At the battle of Franklin, Opdycke displayed the very highest qualities as a commander. It is not saying too much to declare that but for the skillful dispositions made by Colonel Opdycke (all of which were done entirely on his own judgment), the promptness and readiness with which he brought his command into action at the critical and decisive moment, and the signal personal gallantry displayed in a counter assault on the enemy, when he had broken our lines, disaster instead of victory would have fallen on us at Franklin."

From a recent article by John K. Shellenberger, of Humboldt, Iowa, we extract the following:

"General Thomas had the best opportunity of learning the truth. It is impossible to believe he would sign his name to such a recommendation without first assuring himself that it contained only the truth. It is certain that Schofield's order to Wagner included the entire division, and that by the terms of that order Opdycke's brigade was consigned to the same exposure as the brigades of Lane and Conrad. While our generals were suffering from an excess of apathy, which was only equaled by that displayed by Hood and his generals the day before at Spring Hill, this brilliant, vigilant colonel of volunteers, commanding a brigade, displayed the military foresight, and on his own responsibility so placed his brigade that at the critical moment it saved our army from destruction.

"What a picture of incompetence, fitly followed by ingratitude and misrepresentation on the part of Schofield and Cox, the story of Colonel Oydycke discloses. They both failed to comprehend the situation; both owe it to his foresight that they now possess any military reputation, and they have worked together to rob him of the credit due for his unordered action. When Opdycke saw the men of the 23d Corps coming back, he turned to his brigade to give the order to fix bayonets. No order was necessary. His men knew what was to be done, and were fixing bayonets of their own accord. Thank God, there stood a brigade not to be ‘confused’ by friends trampling over it! It was of exactly the same temper, having been forged in the same battle-fires as the 2d

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and 3d Brigades, which had been so needlessly and cruelly exposed. At the command of Opdycke, his brigade sprang forward, and in a desperate hand-to-hand contest, in which Opdycke himself, after firing all the shots in his revolver and then using it as a club, broke it over the head of a rebel, it restored the break in the line.

"But not unaided was it done. The historian of the 36th Illinois, one of Opdycke's regiments, in describing this contest makes this honorable acknowledgment: ‘The officers of the 23d Corps, and of the broken fragments of the brigades of Lane and Conrad, seeing that the 1st Brigade was holding the enemy at bay, flung themselves across the track of the retreating fugitives, and alternately threatened and entreated their men to rally and turn back to the support of Opdycke. Hastily reforming, they rushed down to where the 1st Brigade was engaged, firing as they ran, and co-operated with Opdycke in beating the exultant enemy back and recovering the lost position and guns.’ "

There are other histories of the Hood campaign in Tennessee, in addition to, if, indeed, not written before that written by General J. D. Cox. General Cox was doubtless looking after the interests and reputation of the 23d Corps when writing his history. Well, that is all right; nobody objects. We will now copy a passage concerning this Hood campaign from an impartial writer; one of whom it can be safely said, he belonged to neither the 23d nor the 4th Corps. What we copy, remotely confirms our claim as to being in advance from Columbia to Spring Hill, and is found on pages 680, 681, 682, and 683 of Volume II of "The American Conflict," by the Honorable Horace Greeley:

"When the enemy appeared before Columbia, declining to assault, but evincing a purpose to cross Duck River, above or below, General Schofield withdrew across that stream, and, on learning that the rebels had crossed six miles above, directed General Stanley to follow his trains to Spring Hill, where he arrived just in time to save them from Forrest's cavalry, which was close upon them, but which he drove off, being assailed soon

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afterward by a much stronger force, including infantry, with which he fought till dark, barely holding the road whereby Schofield must make good his retreat.

"Schofield, with Ruger's division, had been kept awake all day by the enemy's efforts to cross Duck River at Columbia, repulsing, with heavy loss to them, their repeated attempts to do so. When night fell he resumed his movement, brushing aside the rebel cavalry who infested the road, and finding at Spring Hill the enemy bivouacking within half a mile of his own line of retreat. He did not choose to have any difficulty with them just then, but pushed on with his entire command, and after fighting all day and marching twenty-five miles during the following night, he got into position early on the 30th at Franklin. His cavalry, moving on the Lewisburg pike several miles eastward, had encountered no enemy. Time being absolutely required to save our trains which choked the road for many miles, Schofield halted on the southern verge of the village, threw up a slight breastwork, and proposed to stop while his train should be got over the Harpeth and fairly on its way to Nashville. Franklin is situated in the bend of the Harpeth, which here rudely describes the north and east sides of a square, which was completed by our lines of defense. These were held by two divisions of his own, and all three of the 4th (Stanley's) Corps, the whole reported at seventeen thousand, and certainly not much exceeding that number. As the ground rises from the stream, the position was of little worth, save as its flanks were protected by the river.

"Hood's army, arriving later, was not ready for the onset till four P. M., when, at the word of command, the charging lines swept on. Hood had delayed the attack till all his forces could be brought up, intending to crush in our front at the first onset by the sheer weight of his assault. Stewart'a corps was on his right, next the Harpeth; Cheatham's on his left, reaching westward to the angle of our defenses; Lee in reserve behind them, though Johnson's division of Lee's corps was thrown to the left during the engagement; the cavalry was on both flanks, Forrest, with most of it, on the right. ‘Break those lines,’ shouted Hood to his men, ‘and there is nothing more to withstand you this side of the Ohio River.’

"Many Tennesseeans were now, for the first time in weary months, within sight of their homes; one general (Carter) fell mortally wounded within a few rods of his own house.

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"General Schofield watched the progress of the battle from Fort Granger, across the Harpeth. Though Schofield's command numbered nearly, if not quite, twenty thousand men, a good part of it was already across the river, guarding trains, and on our left flank, while two divisions held the lines guarding our right, so that all the force directly confronting the rebel advance hardly numbered ten thousand. Of these, two brigades of the 2d (Wagner's) Division of the 4th (Stanley's) Corps were thrown to our front, holding some slight works a few hundred yards in advance of our general line, the key of which was Carter's Hill, a gentle eminence, across which ran the Columbia pike through Franklin to Nashville. Behind that hill stood the 1st (Opdycke's) Brigade of Wagner's (2d) division, in reserve.

"The rebel charge was so impetuous, as well as so heavy, that, it was scarcely checked by the advanced works, held too long by the two brigades aforesaid, but swept over them like a torrent, hurling back our men in tumultuous rout, taking many prisoners and driving the residue right through the center of our main line, which not merely opened to receive them, but kept widening after they had rushed past. In an instant the wings next the pike, of the 2d and 3d Divisions of the 23d (Cox's) Corps, recoiled before the enemy's charge; the hill was lost, eight of our guns taken, and the rebel flag planted in triumph on our breastworks, as the exulting victors, having passed over them, hastily formed on the inside, intending to follow up their triumph. Caissons, as well as men, streamed wildly to the bridges, supposing the day utterly lost, and nothing left to do but save from the wreck as much as possible.

"‘First Brigade! forward to the works!’ rang out the steady voice of Opdycke, as the rabble rout swept by, he riding rapidly forward, as the bayonets of his men came down to a charge, flashing back the rays of the setting sun. Swiftly, steadily, GRANDLY, that brigade rushed upon the foe; a brief but bloody struggle ensued, and at its close no rebel remained upon or inside of the works, but the dead and wounded, with three hundred prisoners. Our guns were recovered, ten rebel battle flags taken, our line was restored, and Opdycke's head-quarters established here on the pike; and here they remained until the last shot was fired that night. Our defenses had been regained as much by surprise as by valor, the enemy not expecting a counter-charge; they must now be held by valor alone. Exasperated, rather than disconcerted, Hood

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threw heavy masses against the lost breastworks, hoping to retake them before they could be adequately manned, while Opdycke, first exhausting all the shots in his revolver, employed it as a club to drive up stragglers to the help of his heroic brigade; and when he had broken the pistol, he dismounted and borrowed a musket, which he found even more efficient in the work of persuasion, driving skulkers out of the reserve fort, in which they had sought and found comparative safety. Of course his efforts and those of his men, were nobly supported by others -- there being ample scope and work for all. The battle raged fiercely till ten P. M., the enemy shifting gradually to our right and attacking on the flank, where he was more especially confronted and repelled by Stanley's 1st division, General Nathan Kimball. But our lines were never again broken, assault after assault being repulsed with great loss to the assailants and smaller to the defenders, until the enemy desisted; and then, a little after midnight, our trains being by this time well on their way, our men quietly drew out of their defenses and followed until, about noon, our weary, sleepless heroes were safely within the defenses of Nashville. Forrest had followed sharply since daylight, but to no purpose. Our loss in this sanguinary engagement was officially reported at 189 killed, 1,033 wounded (including Major General D. S. Stanley severely), and 1,104 missing (many of these doubtless wounded also, and nearly all captured); total, 2,326. Not a gun was left behind in our retreat. General Thomas reports the rebel loss in this struggle at 1,750 killed, 3,800 wounded, and 702 prisoners; total, 6,252.

"Hood, in a conversational account of the battle, says: ‘The struggle lasted till near midnight; when the enemy abandoned his works and crossed the river, leaving his dead and wounded in our possession. Never did troops fight more gallantly. During the day I was restrained from using my artillery on account of the women and children remaining in the town. At night it was massed, ready to continue the action in the morning, but the enemy retired. We captured about a thousand prisoners and several stands of colors. Our total loss, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was four thousand five hundred. Among the killed were Major-General P. R. Cleburne, Brigadier-Generals Gist, John Adams, Strahl, and Granbury; Major-General Brown, with Brigadier-Generals Carter, Manigault, Quarles, Cockerell, and Scott, wounded, and Brigadier-General Gordon captured. The number of dead left by the enemy on the field indicated that his loss was

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equal to or near our own. The next morning at daylight, the wounded being cared for and the dead buried, we moved forward to Nashville; Forrest, with his cavalry pursuing the enemy vigorously.’

"The loss of Pat Cleburne, the Stonewall Jackson of the West, would of itself have been a rebel disaster. He was an Irishman by birth, who had served as a private in the British army, and who left behind him no superior as a rough-and-ready fighter. By the carnage this day Hood's army was depleted of a full sixth -- not of its numbers, but of its effective force -- a loss which it had no means of replacing."

This is all we shall quote from the authority cited. We make no comment on it; the account speaks for itself.

We shall now copy entire, including the prelude thereto, an account of the battle of Franklin by a Mississippian, a private soldier in the ranks of "Reynolds's division of Confederates. How well he corroborates Hood's statement as to his losses, how well he describes the rebel operations and movements preliminary to the battle, as well as the battle itself, we leave the reader to judge. The account, which was published in the Grand Army Gazette and National Guardsmen, Nos. 82 and 84 Nassau Street, New York City, is as follows:

"THE BATTLE OF FRANKLIN.

"Three years ago my comrade, Rhett Thomas, and I were prospecting in the foot-hills of the Sierra Madre Mountains, in Wyoming. Thomas was an ex-Confederate soldier, a Mississippian. He was tall, slender, lean-flanked, thin-faced, black-eyed, and forty-two years old. On the evening of May 30th we sat by a blazing camp-fire in Bear-creek Valley. The dark, pine-clad highlands behind us resounded with the noise of falling water and the mournful sighing of the swaying pines. We sat silently looking at the fire, here dying down, there suddenly glowing into heat, as if it were alive and swayed by a gust of passion. The fire and the day recalled memories of the war.

"‘Thomas,’ I said, ‘to-day is Decoration-day. Throughout

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the North, the graves of the men who fell in defense of the Union have been strewn with flowers The memories of the war are being recalled around thousands of hearth stones to-night. You never speak of the war. Break your rule to-night, and tell me a battle story.’

"Thomas looked at me inquiringly for an instant, and then said sadly:

"‘I do not like to talk of the war. My father and brothers were killed in battle; our home was burned, our slaves freed, our lands made valueless. My friends and comrades were shot dead by the score. Other scores, weakened by starvation and hard work, and thinly clad, died. The memories of the war are exceedingly painful to me. But,’ he added, as he shrugged his shoulders to my entreaty to talk, ‘ pile some wood on the fire while I cut a couple of pipefuls of tobacco, and then I will tell you of the fiercest battle I was in.’

"I piled logs high on the fire. We lit our pipes on the glowing coals; then, wrapped in our blankets, we sat on the ground, and I listened attentively to my rebel friend.

"‘I belonged to Joe Johnston's army,’ said Thomas. ‘We had ceased to talk of our victory at Kenesaw. The daily fighting during our long retreat before Sherman had been almost forgotten. Our lost opportunity on Peach-tree Creek -- lost by the removal of Johnston -- had ceased to trouble us. The loss of Atlanta, and thousands of our comrades who fell in the battle around that town, was still fresh in our memories. And fresher still was the recollection of the bloody assault on the two redoubts near Altoona, that were held by a couple of thousand Yankees.’

"‘We had lost Johnston, in whom we had unbounded confidence. Hood, whom we did not consider a safe soldier, was in command. We feared that some of the belief as to the fighting capacity of Northern men, held by the slaveholders before the war, lingered in his mind. We privates had promptly discovered that the Yankees were as efficient fighters as we for two days, and our superiors if the battle lasted three, four, or five days. We had a saying which was founded on fact; it was: ‘Yankees must be whipped in two days, or they can not be beaten at all.’

"‘We marched north, south, east, west -- in any direction Hood saw fit to lead us -- and Sherman trailed after us. At Galesburg he tired of the pleasures of the chase, and abandoned us. We camped for a few days, then crossed the Tennessee River a few

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miles above Florence, and marched rapidly toward Columbia. Here we had our first hard fighting in forcing the passage of Duck River. We pushed the Federals from the river, and then made a furious march, fighting as we went, so as to intercept the retreat of Schofield's army. We outmarched them, and slept near Spring Hill. When we bivouacked we knew that we had Schofield in a trap, and that he was ours.’

"Thomas ceased talking. He looked gloomily into the fire for an instant, and then said regretfully:
"‘Yes, we outmarched Schofield, and then we slept, and while we slept Schofield marched by -- marched within a half a mile of our camp-fires. I have never seen more intense rage and profound disgust than was expressed by the weary, foot-sore, battle-torn Confederate soldiers when they discovered that their officers had allowed their prey to escape. Sullenly we fell into column, and resumed the chase. We pushed Schofield closely. He struck the Harpeth River at Franklin, where the stream makes a right angle. We were so close to Schofield that he didn't dare to attempt to cross the river, for fear of losing, not only his trains but his army. The Yankees formed a battle line across the neck of land formed by the winding river. Their flanks rested on the water. Their center was on a low hill, where a couple of batteries stood in action.’

"‘ We were on the ground early in the morning. The Yankees had just begun to break earth for an intrenchment. We could see their entire line, and judge correctly of their numbers. We outnumbered them over two to one. The Confederates, though tired and hungry, were keen to be led to the assault. We, one and all, prepared to fight at once, rather than to wait for an hour or two and be fed. After our bloody experience at Altoona we dreaded to attack earth-works manned by veteran Yankee infantry.’

"‘Now we had Schofield's army cooped. They could not retreat. The river was behind them. We knew that if we attacked at once we could kill them, or capture them, or drive them into the river. But we also knew that if Hood allowed them to throw up an earth-work, it mattered not how slight, that they would most tenaciously hold that defense. They were desperate men. Their only chance was to fight, and fight, and still fight. In the open we could have crushed them in an hour. Once covered, we knew that they could not be crushed; and we privates, who had fought these men for three years knew that they would fight to the last man, almost, once they were warmed to their work’

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"‘As we stood in column waiting for our orders, I saw the corps and division commanders crowd around Hood, who had ridden onto the field. I dropped out of the ranks, and drew near to the group. They were inspecting the Yankee line. I heard Cleburne, approved and fearless fighter, urge Hood to order the assault at once. I heard other general officers advise him not to waste time, not to allow the Yankees time to cover themselves. Hood refused to order the assault, saying the troops were tired and hungry, and needed food and rest, and he added, contemptuously:‘In ten minutes we can drive the Yankees out of any works they can throw up in two hours. They can not hold that line.’ Cleburne shook his head negatively at this, but Hood was firm. When I saw Cleburne, who was ever keen for battle, shake his head, I was discouraged. If Cleburne dreads the work it must be hopeless, I thought.’

"‘The men were ordered to cook breakfast, and obeyed sullenly. The Yankee earth-works steadily grew as we looked on. Two hours passed, and they were finished, and the Yankee infantry sank out of sight behind them. Then came marching and countermarching on our part. It was four o'clock before our dispositions for the assault were made. From the position I was in I could plainly see the Yankee line. It seemed to be deserted. Now and then the head of a man would appear above the works, or an artillery man would crouch behind a gun, and gaze in our direction.’

"‘We were formed for the assault. The plan was to launch several columns against the line, and endeavor to break it at different points, while the real attack would be made on the little hill where the two batteries stood. Our artillery went into action. Some dismounted artillerymen were formed behind us. These were to follow us closely, and when we had captured the Yankees' guns, they were to turn them and pulverize the flying Yankees. It was a good idea, and the artillerymen laughed gleefully at the picture they had conjured. It was well they had their laugh first.’

"‘All was ready; we arose, and dashed forward. Out of the ground rose the Yankee pickets, and, firing once, they ran for their earth-works. As we screamed out the charging yell, the Yankee troops rose up from behind their works, and their rifles fell into a horizontal line; the Federal artillerists sprung to their guns; we instinctively pulled our hat-brims down as though to protect our faces, and dashed into the open. Instantly we were met by a

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storm of bullets and canister that caused us to stagger as our dead and wounded comrades fell against us. We wavered badly, then gathered ourselves and pushed on, firing as we went. The powder-smoke hung on the field; through rifts in it we could see the Federal gunners spring nimbly to and fro from the Napoleon guns. The responsive flash of the guns as the lanyards were pulled would be followed by the rip of canister as it flew past and through us, tearing great gaps in our ranks, cracking men's bones as pipe-stems, and knocking brave men dead with great holes in their bodies. The zip, zip, zip, of flying rifle-balls was a mighty and steady hum, as though the empty cylinders of countless threshing-machines were revolving at full speed all around us.’

"‘Steadily the veteran Yankee infantry, who had to hold their line of earth-works or take to the water, loaded and fired. Our men fell by the hundreds. We staggered on through this storm of bullets and canister for five minutes. We had not reached the Union line. Then we heard exultant shouts to our left, and through the drifting smoke caught a glimpse of our battle-flags planted on the Federal breastworks on the hill; and as we saw the men clad in gray clamber over the works and disappear, we redoubled our efforts to take the line in front of us. The fire did not slacken a particle. Its defenders paid no attention to the disaster that had overtaken their center. As we drew closer, the parapet, reddened in the smoke and the fire, resembled the fury of hell in its intensity.’

"‘Then, loud above the battle's roar, sounded the charging cheer of the Yankee troops, and we knew the Confederates who had broken the Federal center were being called upon to make good their success by meeting the charge of the Yankee reserve. Could they withstand it? Promptly came the answer. There was a solid crash of musketry from that portion of the line, and in an instant the remnants of the victorious Confederates swarmed out of the captured works and ran for cover. Instantly the earth-works were manned by a double line of blue-coated infantry, who shot down the flying Confederates by scores.’

"‘We pressed on. We were so close to the works that some of our men fell into the ditch. And we could see the eyes of the Yankee infantry as they looked over their rifle sights. Their faces were pallid, their jaws set, and their eyes blazed with battle-light. I never before saw such rapid handling of artillery. It seemed to me that I could hear No. 1 impatiently tap the sponge

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staff on the blackened muzzles of the brass guns as he called for canister, and more canister, and still more canister. We were sufficiently near to feel the wind of the guns.’

"‘I looked back. We had not advanced far. The dead lay in windrows. Wounded men were staggering over the field, and falling in ones, twos, and threes, as they came together for aid between the lines of dead. The men hesitated. They realized that they could not carry the works. Their line officers tried to hold them. They staggered a few feet nearer the Federal line, firing wildly the while, to be scorched by the hot breath of cannon and rifles. They wavered badly, tried to hold on, then broke and ran for cover. We were under fire for about ten minutes, and one-third of our division (Reynolds's) was killed or wounded.’

"‘Stunned, bewildered, and horribly disappointed, we gathered in a protected position and were speedily reformed. We were allowed to rest for awhile. Of course, the planned simultaneous attack by several columns had failed. Of course, they did not get off together. They went in one after the other, and they were all whipped. Again we were formed into charging column. Our officers briefly explained the necessity of carrying the works. We swore to take them or die in the attempt.’

"‘Ah!’ said Thomas, ‘it is easy to swear to do things when you are not under fire; but hard, exceedingly hard, to accomplish them. We rushed to the assault again, again to be met by a fire the heat of which warped us out of line. It seemed to me that the air was so full of bullets that I could have caught some by simply grabbing on either side or above me. We advanced close to the works, and again we broke and fled for cover. The Yankees, now thoroughly angry and merciless, began to shoot at every living object within range of their rifles. Wounded Confederates who moved a leg or an arm were instantly selected as targets and were literally shot to pieces.’

"‘Darkness descended and still the battle-torn Confederates were formed into charging columns, and launched against the Yankee works. We advanced, stumbling over our dead and wounded. The latter shrieked as we trod on their mangled limbs. Powder smoke hung over the field in clouds which reflected the lurid fire that blazed along the Yankee parapets.’

"‘Eight o'clock, nine o'clock, 9.30, and we are still fighting, still dying, still trampling our dead and wounded comrades into the earth. Then we gave it up. We had made five desperate charges. Pat Cleburne's men had made six, and he fell dead while leading

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the last. Every general officer in the army, excepting Hood, was killed or wounded. Our losses had run high up in the thousands. We stacked our arms and lay down. All night our wounded comrades crawled off of the field and sought comfort and rest and water among their unhurt brothers. Men with one leg trailing on the earth behind them, others with shattered shoulders or torn entrails, or ghastly flesh-wounds, or with smashed jaws, or with eyes shot out, would crawl, walk, or be led into our ranks, where they would sink beside us and murmur: "I am glad to get home to you; it was hell itself, boys." And they would sink into sleep or death.’

"‘We were awake early the next morning, to discover that the Yankees had crossed the river during the night, and were probably well on their way towards Nashville. We were mighty glad they had gone. Hood seemed to be stupefied at the disaster that had befallen us. He allowed his discouraged army to remain in camp by that bloody battle-field. The men, already dispirited and doubtful of his ability as a commander, were permitted to roam at will over the corpse-strewn field. I never before or after saw such a frightful battle-ground. Many of the dead were shot to shreds. And I saw scores of men who had been wounded -- legs broken, probably -- who had put their thumbs into their mouths and had chewed them into shreds to keep from crying, coward-like, as they lay exposed to the merciless fire of the Yankees, waiting for death to keep them from voicing their fear.’

"‘Franklin was the only battle-ground I ever saw where the faces of the majority of the dead expressed supreme fear and terror. Dead men's faces were drawn away. Their eyes were wide open and fear-staring. Their very attitude as they lay prone upon the ground, with extended, earth-clutching fingers, and with their faces partially buried in the soil, told the tale of mental agony they had endured before death released them. And then the chewed thumbs, showing the direful necessity they had to brace themselves to receive death, was inexpressibly affecting.’

"‘The repeated disasters we had encountered under Hood had dampened our ardor. The unwise rambling of our men over the battle-field of Franklin broke their spirit. We could not fight at Nashville; we lost that fight because the specter of Franklin, livid with distorted features, with blood-streaming wounds, with ghastly, horror-stricken eyes, chewing and crunching its thumb, stalked among us. It was in the columns as we marched; it rode astride of the Napoleon guns; it sat by our camp-fires; it stood in the trenches at Nashville; it lay in the rifle-pits o' nights.’

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"Thomas ceased talking and looked intently and sorrowfully into the fire as though he were searching for the faces of the comrades he had lost. I did not intrude on his grief, but quietly rolled myself in my blankets and lay down -- not to sleep, but to think of the horrors of the war, and of the bloody fields in Virginia, on which I had worked at the cannon's muzzle.

"FRANK WILKESON."

From the last statement in Thomas's account, it appears that we whipped the Confederates at Nashville before we left Franklin. We did have pretty much our own way at Nashville, although all the conditions were reversed; we were the assailants, and our foe had the advantage of the rifle-pits, trenches, and breastworks. But our forces had been greatly augmented since the battle of Franklin, while those of the enemy had been greatly depleted in that engagement, and the fight, taken out of what forces remained to him, with no resources to draw upon for re-enforcements to aid them. The work was growing, constantly increasing on their hands, while the number of hands to do that work was constantly and rapidly diminishing. It is not difficult to point out that portion of the Confederate soldier's account of the battle of Franklin in which he describes the contest, at the point where the "Yankee reserve," Opdycke's brigade got in its work. Just here we make a brief extract from an article in Locke's National Monthly Magazine of May, 1876. The article was prepared by the Rev. H. M. Bacon, who, probably, was a chaplain in the 23d Corps. We quote as follows:

"Everything was in commotion; everything on that warm, beautiful Indian summer day, indicated the approaching conflict. Our rear guard, Opdycke's brigade, reached Franklin about noon.... Hood saw Nashville fairly in his grasp, if be

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could but maintain the ground of which he was in actual possession. Perhaps he might have held it, if Opdycke's brigade had not been at hand in the very nick of time and on the very spot where it was needed. It is safe to say that Opdycke saved the day, and turned the tide of battle.... I remember the very night of the battle, when all was over, just after crossing the bridge, when Opdycke's brigade marched through our division, how gladly we gave way to them, how we cheered and congratulated, and praised and thanked them! We were proud of them, and are so still. They saved the day, and no one denies it."

In the August number of the Century Magazine, year 1887, appeared an article written by Colonel Henry Stone, of Boston, from which we make a brief extract:

"It was near daybreak when the last wagon left Spring Hill. Kimball's division followed Wood's, and at four o'clock Wagner drew in his lines, his skirmishers remaining till it was fairly daylight. The rear guard was commanded by Colonel Emerson Opdycke, who was prepared, if necessary, to sacrifice the last man to secure the safety of the main body. So efficiently did his admirable brigade do its work, that though surrounded by a cloud of the enemy's cavalry, which made frequent dashes at its lines, not a straggler or a wagon was left behind.... The head of the column, under General Cox, reached the outskirts of Franklin about the same hour the rear guard was leaving Spring Hill."

It sufficiently appears from all the foregoing as to how and when we reached Nashville. We will copy entire a letter and its inclosure, lately received from a very near and dear friend and comrade, one who passed with us through some seasons of peculiar trial and privation while escaping by night, in midwinter, from Confederate prisons. During the time spent in making the escape, and since, in many ways, this comrade, Mr. L. B. Smith, of Dundee, Michigan, has encouraged and supported us. We did not dream that he would come to our rescue in this instance by overhauling standard

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histories to find something bearing on the points we have been considering. The letter and selection are here given:

"DUNDEE, MICHIGAN, December 3, 1888. "W. H. NEWLIN, Danville, Illinois:

"DEAR FRIEND AND COMRADE, -- Yours of November 28th received. In regard to the battle of Franklin, I do not know anything from experience, as our division (General Long's 2d Cavalry) was back at Louisville, getting re-mounted. Therefore, all that I know is what I have read in history, and what has been told me by comrades that were there. As I have some histories of the Civil (or rather uncivil) War, I looked them up about the above named battle, or rather Opdycke's brigade; and in Samuel M. Schmucker, LL. D., revised by Dr. L. P. Brocket, I find the statement inclosed. As a history of the Rebellion I think it the best I have ever seen. I believe the battle of Franklin was as hard fought as any of the war; and the killed and wounded as great in proportion to the numbers engaged. Hood reported it as a victory, as Schofield retreated during the night to Nashville, leaving his dead and wounded on the field -- but if a victory, dearly bought, and almost ruinous in its consequences. His killed numbered according to official report, 1,750, his wounded 3,807, and seven hundred captured; one major-general and five brigadier-generals killed; six generals wounded, and General Gordon captured. The Union troops captured thirty-three stands of colors. I believe General Stanley was the only general on our side wounded. I would like to give you more information, but I am glad I was not there.

"Yours truly, L. B. SMITH."

[NOTE. -- The statement or selection from Schmucker is as follows:]

"As the rebels advanced, the Union troops opened a heavy and destructive cannonade upon them; and as they came nearer in dense lines, four deep, the deadly grape and canister, and a severe musketry fire at short range, made fearful havoc with them. But though the deadly missiles cut wide swaths in their advancing columns, they struggled on, and at last Maury's division of Cheatham's corps, reached the Union outworks, held by Wagner's division, and after a fierce struggle drove it back upon the second and stronger line, held by Cox's and Ruger's divisions of the 23d Corps. Withdrawing a short distance, and re-forming their lines, the rebel

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troops flung themselves with great fury upon the second line, and after a desperate and terrible contest forced their way inside of it also, and captured two guns. At this critical moment, when the tide of battle seemed turned against the Union forces, General David S. Stanley, the commander of the 4th Corps, put himself at the head of Opdycke's brigade, with Conrad's in support, and, rushing with intense energy upon the enemy, after a fierce hand-to-hand encounter, with bayonets and clubbed muskets, succeeded in driving them out of the works, though not until he himself had been severely wounded."

We close this chapter by giving the order of Colonel Opdycke, complimenting his brigade for its work at the battle of Franklin, November 30, 1864:

"HEAD-QUARTERS 1st BRIGADE, 2d DIVISION, 4th ARMY CORPS, "NASHVILLE, TENNESSEE, December 10,1864.

"OFFICERS AND SOLDIERS OF THE 1ST BRIGADE, -- Your recent achievements in the terrible battle of Franklin commanded my profound thanks and admiration. When the furious masses of the enemy had stormed and carried our main works, at the key-point of our whole position, and was driving our other forces in confusion, you rushed grandly and defiantly forward; your bayonets gleaming in the sunlight, assailed the victorious foe, crushed him beneath your mighty energies; captured 394 prisoners, nineteen of whom were officers, 9 rebel flags, re-took the colors of a regiment belonging to a less fortunate but friendly brigade; re-took 8 pieces of artillery, and worked them with awful havoc on the deep columns of the enemy; restored our lines and saved the army from disastrous overthrow. Generals Wagner, Cox, Wood, and Schofield each have asserted that the ‘1st Brigade saved the day,’ and even the immortal Thomas said, ‘From what they tell me, Colonel, your brigade saved the day’ Shoulder to shoulder, discipline and valor must always triumph. Your fame is high; defend it and maintain it, or die gloriously in the effort. It is an honor to belong to the 1st Brigade. Let us mingle our tears over our fallen comrades.

"EMERSON, OPDYCKE, Colonel Commanding."

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Chapter VII.

REST AND PREPARATION -- TWO DAYS' BATTLES AT NASHVILLE -- RAIN, MUD, AND BAD ROADS -- PURSUIT OF HOOD'S DEMORALALIZED FORCES -- CHRISTMAS -- MARCH TO HUNTSVILLE -- WINTER QUARTERS -- BY RAIL TO EAST TENNESSEE -- REPAIRING RAILROAD -- END OF THE WAR -- DEATH OF A. LINCOLN -- BY RAIL TO NASHVILLE -- MUSTER OUT -- JOURNEY TO SPRINGFIELD -- FINAL PAYMENT -- DISBANDMENT.

As we have learned from the last two preceding chapters, the 4th Army Corps, as well as some others, was kept very busy during the summer and fall of 1864. Barely three weeks' rest -- not more than two weeks after deducting time taken in fixing up quarters and camp at Atlanta, was obtained there. The retreat from Franklin during the early hours of December 1st has already been incidentally and perhaps sufficiently treated. A more wearied or more nearly exhausted body of soldiers never marched, or trudged, or stumbled along a public highway, in any war. Of sleep that was at all restful and invigorating we had been deprived for three nights and days. Incessant watchfulness, and active duty had entirely employed our time, which, with the demands upon us, occasioned by the great and perilous emergency at Franklin, left us at the end of our physical strength. From 10.30 to 11.30 P. M., or fully one hour at about that time, the night of November 30th, was spent in withdrawing the regiment from Franklin, and the wearied, jaded men kept arriving at Nashville from about ten A. M. to two P. M. of December 1st.

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A stray shot, or at least a shot aimed for another, struck James W. Ashmore, of Company C, in the forehead, killing him instantly, on December 3d. If not the first, this casualty was among the first that was inflicted on our forces in front of Nashville by the enemy. Ashmore was a dutiful soldier, tried and true.

The winter season was now again at hand, as was also Hood's army, making a sort of pretense of investment of Nashville. This state of affairs could not be long permitted to exist. From December 1st to 15th, General Thomas was diligently at work raising and mounting a cavalry force, receiving and placing re-enforcements in position, and otherwise equipping and preparing his army to take the offensive, as soon as the ice and snow "embargo," was broken. There was a prospect of much work ahead, and as busy a time for the winter months as had been experienced during the summer and fall. The preparations and the "embargo" ended by or on the date last above mentioned, and offensive operations were promptly begun by General Thomas. We will note as closely as possible the movements of the 73d, nearly all of which were made in conjunction with the other regiments of the brigade and division.

On December 15, 1864, we arose at four o'clock, got breakfast out of the way, and had everything needful packed and in order, ready to march at six o'clock. We were called into line at seven, remained in position thirty minutes, waiting for a heavy fog to lift. The 4th Corps moved out in front of our works, which we no longer needed, and hoped to have no use for. The 16th Corps joined on to our right; the 23d Corps was in reserve to the rear of the 16th, and to the right of the

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16th Corps all the cavalry was placed in position. To the left of the 4th Corps were two brigades of colored and one division of white troops, commanded by General Steadman. All being ready, a grand left wheel movement was commenced, with the left of the 4th Corps resting on our old works. The 16th Corps and the cavalry division soon engaged the enemy's pickets and drove them back. General Steadman made a heavy demonstration in his front, going right up to the fortifications of the enemy. Soon A. J. Smith had pressed the enemy's pickets back to his main line of works, and succeeded also in turning his left wing. At four P. M. a charge was ordered to be made to our front. We carried the line of rebel works, capturing three guns and many prisoners. This turned their entire line, throwing us at right angles across the enemy's works. At 7.30 P. M. we bivouacked for the night, three miles south of the city of Nashville, on ground that was occupied by the rebels one hour previously. The left wing of the rebel army, which rested on the river below Nashville, had been driven eight miles. The cavalry division captured General Chalmers's headquarters wagons, and also another train of twenty wagons, with from eight hundred to one thousand prisoners, and sixteen pieces of artillery. The 73d, not being in the front line, did no firing, but was exposed

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at times during the day to a heavy fire from the enemy's batteries. Taken altogether, the results of the day's operations were quite satisfactory. Frequent movement and change of position, each time to the front, was the full extent of the part performed by the 73d in the day's labors, and no casualties were suffered by the regiment. We did not comfort ourselves, however, with the expectation that we should be similarly favored next day; perhaps recalling the experience at Chickamauga, and possibly counting on paying to-morrow for the exemptions of to-day.

At daybreak on the 16th we were on the move, and in the same order as on the 15th. After advancing one-half mile, we found the rebel pickets. We soon pushed them back and got our artillery in an advantageous position, and proceeded to "shell the woods," vigorously, and got reply from the enemy's guns. It was soon ascertained that the rebels had erected a new line of works, with left resting on a range of hills about five miles from Nashville, and their right across the Franklin pike, extending to a hill which in some measure protected that flank. At eleven A. M. we pressed our lines close up to theirs, and hastily erected a line of earth-works. In this charge Company H lost one man killed. The 36th and 44th Illinois were in the front line, and had quite a number of men wounded. The 16th and 23d Corps massed on the enemy's left, and charged his line of works, and carried them in splendid style. At four o'clock P. M., the 4th Corps moved forward its front line on a charge, and drove the rebels in utter confusion from their intrenchments, and such was the irresistible tide of battle that their entire line of defenses was taken from them, also thirty pieces of artillery

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and over three thousand prisoners. The works and woods were literally strewn with small arms thrown away by the rebels in the great hurry of their flight. We had now a superabundance of fire-arms and other material, and little use for either, as the rebels were leaving behind all incumbrances, and striking out for a safe place, or surrendering. We kept on in our pursuit until after dark, then halted, and bivouacked for the night near the Franklin pike, six miles south of Nashville. The achievements of the day were beyond expectation; the victory was not only complete and decisive, but accomplished with small loss, and secured the total rout and almost entire destruction of Hood's force.

The final charge at Nashville proved to be the finishing stroke to the rebelli